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Pawan Kalyan emerges a brand ambassador of BJP: Experts
Lennar Corp. Cl A stock underperforms Friday when compared to competitorsToday’s news headlines and Thought for the Day for school assembly: 25 November 2024
Electric vehicle marker Lucid Group ( LCID 0.46% ) has created an award-winning Air sedan and is on the verge of producing its stunning Gravity SUV. But despite its impressive products, the company's shares have plunged 96% over the past three years. The steep drop has no doubt left Luid shareholders wondering if it's time to give up on the stock, and prompting some to wonder if it's time to buy this EV stock at a discount. Here are a few suggestions. The case for selling Lucid There are good reasons to sell a stock , no matter what industry the company is in or what's happening in the market. These reasons mainly include: Needing the money for something else Rebalancing your portfolio The original investment thesis for buying the stock has changed. I think Lucid's current situation makes it tricky for Lucid shareholders because the automotive market's transition to EVs is very likely, Lucid has a solid product, and is working on releasing new ones. But the problem is that Lucid is spending tons of money, vehicle production has stagnated, and the company has had to raise additional capital multiple times, including issuing additional shares that diluted current shareholder value . In the third quarter (which ended Sept. 30), Lucid's net loss widened to $992 million, worse than its loss of $631 million in the year-ago quarter. The company also produced just 1,805 vehicles, a modest 16% increase. Making matters worse is that Lucid recently raised additional cash through a public offering of 262 million shares, as well as an investment from Saudi Arabia's Public Investment Fund (PIF). Lucid got an additional $1.67 billion in cash (a good thing), but the additional stock diluted current shareholder value (a bad thing). With its widening losses, slower-than-expected vehicle production, and Lucid having to raise additional capital to keep the lights on, selling the stock looks like a legitimate move. The case for holding Lucid As with all decision-making, doing nothing is always the easiest option. But I do think there's a case for holding your Lucid shares. Most importantly, the EV market is still in its infancy. Automakers across the globe are only beginning to transition their lineups to electric vehicles, and while it will take time, the market looks to be moving in this direction. The big question is whether Lucid can hold on long enough to see the benefit from the transition. Lucid's management says the company has enough "cash runway well into 2026," so there's no real worry there, at least for now. There isn't much harm in holding your Lucid shares if you have a small position and don't have any other stocks you really want to buy. Just keep in mind that it could be a long wait to see how your Lucid bet plays out. Is there a case for buying Lucid right now? I don't see a compelling reason to buy Lucid stock right now. Even with its shares trading around $2.10 (as of this writing), they have a price-to-sales ratio of 6.6. That's far more expensive than fellow EV start-up Rivian , with its P/S of only 2.2. If the company significantly boosts production in 2025 and narrows its losses meaningfully, then the argument for buying Lucid may change. But for now, investors aren't missing out on anything by not owning this EV stock.CLEMSON, S.C. (AP) — South Carolina coach Shane Beamer has no doubt about where his surging, 16th-ranked Gamecocks belong in the postseason — chasing a national championship. “It's hard for me to say we're not one of the 12 best teams in the country,” a giddy Beamer said Saturday after watching his team pull off another late miracle, courtesy of quarterback LaNorris Sellers, to defeat No. 12 Clemson 17-14. Sellers scored his second touchdown , this one from 20 yards out with 1:08 to play, for South Carolina's sixth straight victory, four of them in that run coming over ranked opponents. Are you paying attention, College Football Playoff selectors? “If the committee's job is to pick the 12 best teams, you tell me,” Beamer said. It would be hard to pick against the Gamecocks (9-3, 5-3 SEC; No. 15 CFP) with Sellers, a confident, poised freshman, playing as well as he is. He finished with 166 yards rushing and 164 yards passing. Two games ago, he set career bests with 353 yards passing and five TD throws in twice rallying the Gamecocks from fourth-quarter deficits to defeat Missouri 34-30. This time, Sellers shrugged off his interception near Clemson's goal with less than 11 minutes left to lead his team to a field goal and then his game winner. Sellers spun away from defender Peter Woods in the backfield, broke through the line and cut left to reach the end zone. Sellers hears defenders get angry when they get their hands on but can't bring down the speedy, 6-foot-3 passer in his first year since taking over for Spencer Rattler. How does he do it? “I don't really know,” Sellers said. Beamer had an answer to that one, too. “He's a competitor, he's a warrior,” Beamer said. “He doesn't get too high or too low. He's out there having fun.” The Gamecocks hope to have more fun in a week so, confident they'll hear their name called among the expanded field of 12 that will play for a national crown. They know, too, they'll have Sellers leading the way. “He's a magician, man,” Gamecocks linebacker Demetrius Knight Jr. said. “LeMagic, LeComeback, whatever you want to call him.” Clemson (9-3, 7-1 ACC, No. 12) had a final chance and drove to the South Carolina 18 with 16 seconds left — well within reach of a tying field goal — when Cade Klubnik was intercepted by Knight to end things. The Gamecocks were 3-3 after losing at Alabama in mid-October and then pulled off their longest winning streak since 2012. The Tigers also were hoping to play their way into the CFP's 12-team field. But their offense had too many costly mistakes and their defense could not corral Sellers. “He's a great player and made great players,” Clemson linebacker Barrett Carter said. Still, there could be postseason hope for Clemson, which will cross its fingers and pray Syracuse can pull off an upset over No. 8 Miami later Saturday that would get the Tigers into the Atlantic Coast Conference title game next week against SMU. Both teams came in on highs, the Tigers having won three straight and the Gamecocks five in a row, including three consecutive over ranked opponents Texas A&M, Vanderbilt and Missouri. But neither team found its offensive rhythm in the opening half. Sellers was sacked by T.J. Parker and turned the ball over as Parker recovered with South Carolina inside the Clemson 20. The Tigers drove to the South Carolina 11 and turned down a chip-shot field goal to go for it on fourth-and-1. But Mafah was stopped way short by Jalon Kilgore and Knight. Klubnik had scoring runs of 13 and 18 yards for the Tigers. South Carolina: What a run by the Gamecocks, who before the season were picked 13th in the SEC and now may find themselves part of the national championship playoff field. Clemson: The Tigers lost to both ranked SEC opponents they faced this season, first to No. 1 Georgia to start the year and then to rival South Carolina. Tigers coach Dabo Swinney was proud of his team's regular season but knew the loss might leave it short of getting back to the playoff. “We could've had a great year,” he said. "We got better this season, a lot of positives to build on. “But this one is tough. It's tough. It hurts,” he continued. Shane Beamer knew what a big week it was when he got a voicemail from his old boss, former South Carolina coach Steve Spurrier. “Beamer, you're doing great,” said Spurrier, who coached the Gamecocks from 2005-2014. “This might be the biggest game in the history of South Carolina.” South Carolina and Clemson both await their postseason games. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.
Before we get going, let me clarify the title: by “no one,” I mean retail investors—there’s always some institutional savant out there who saw it coming. The surprise? It wasn’t a high-profile fraud, meme stock drama, or crypto implosion. It was long-term Canadian government bonds continuing to underperform in 2024, extending the misery of 2023 and the brutal 2022 bear market when inflation and rising rates delivered a double whammy. Why was this a surprise? Many retail investors assumed that with the Bank of Canada cutting rates aggressively, this type of bond would stage a comeback. While the rate cuts materialized, the rally in long-term bonds never followed. Here’s why. Why long-term bonds didn’t perform well Let’s use ( ) as our case study—a popular pick for retail investors, with over $3.6 billion in assets under management. ZFL carries an AAA credit rating, backed by the Canadian federal government. Despite budget deficits and some questionable policy decisions, Canada remains a reliable lender (for now). However, this isn’t a “safe” ETF by any means—credit risk may be negligible, but its interest rate risk is significant. As of December 9, 2024, ZFL’s weighted average duration was 18.06 years. A simple (though not perfect) way to understand this is: for every 1% decrease in interest rates, ZFL’s net asset value (NAV) should rise by roughly 18.06%, all else being equal. Many retail investors latched onto this concept in 2024, expecting jumbo rate cuts from the Bank of Canada to send long-term bond prices soaring. However, this analysis was overly simplistic. While the rate cuts materialized, ZFL didn’t deliver the anticipated gains. The policy interest rate—the short-term rate directly controlled by the Bank of Canada—was indeed cut aggressively, but long-term bond yields remained elevated, keeping long-term bond prices depressed. Why? Long-term yields reflect more than just central bank policy. Steady economic growth, ongoing government borrowing and deficits, and sticky inflation expectations all contributed to keeping long-term yields higher than expected. What to buy instead While long-term bonds have been a rough ride for price appreciation, their high volatility can actually work in your favour if you focus on generation. One way to do this is by using derivatives like covered calls, which turn volatility into options premiums (cold hard cash). A great example of this strategy is ( ). This ETF is a barbell strategy in action: it combines the stability of U.S. Treasury bills (T-bills) with the income-generating potential of long-term U.S. Treasury bonds, augmented by covered calls. Here’s how it works: 80% of HBIL’s portfolio is allocated to an ETF holding ultra-safe U.S. T-bills. These short-term government securities are essentially risk-free and provide a stable source of monthly interest income. The remaining 20% is invested in a long-term Treasury ETF with an average maturity of around 20 years. To boost income further, HBIL sells covered calls on the long-term Treasury ETF portion of the portfolio. This means the ETF captures premium income by selling the upside potential of these volatile bonds. The result? A steady monthly distribution combining the safety of T-bills with the yield enhancement of covered calls on longer-dated Treasurys. 80% of the ETF is as safe as it gets, while the remaining 20% is structured to harvest income from risk. As of December 10, 2024, HBIL was yielding an impressive 7.45%—a balance of stability and higher income that’s tough to find elsewhere in today’s bond market.No. 22 Illinois reaches 9 wins for first time in 17 years with 38-28 victory over Northwestern
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Percentages: FG .569, FT .607. 3-Point Goals: 9-18, .500 (Thomas 2-2, Watkins 2-3, Deng 2-4, Holt 1-1, Swinton 1-1, Davis 1-2, Bol Bowen 0-1, Crawford 0-1, Rozakeas 0-1, Jackson 0-2). Team Rebounds: 6. Team Turnovers: None. Blocked Shots: 4 (Bol Bowen, Deng, Ewin, Holt). Turnovers: 11 (Jones 2, Bol Bowen, Davis, Deng, Ewin, Maluk, Mbatch, Swinton, Thomas, Watkins). Steals: 7 (Bol Bowen 2, Crawford, Davis, Jackson, Maluk, Swinton). Technical Fouls: Bol Bowen, 14:54 second. Percentages: FG .310, FT .690. 3-Point Goals: 3-24, .125 (Curry 1-2, Rivera 1-4, Guerengomba 1-6, Ndjigue 0-1, Watson 0-1, Worthy 0-2, Diggins 0-8). Team Rebounds: 8. Team Turnovers: 1. Blocked Shots: 1 (Rivera). Turnovers: 16 (Rivera 3, Worthy 3, Curry 2, Hankins-Sanford 2, Abdelgowad, Diggins, Guerengomba, Muhammad, Ndjigue, Watson). Steals: 7 (Ndjigue 3, Rivera 2, Abdelgowad, Diggins). Technical Fouls: None. .Forex reserves record biggest weekly drop as RBI moves to support RupeeWest Ham beat Wolves in tense Premier League match-up
Chase Strangio stood before the Supreme Court on a cold December morning, the weight of history pressing against his shoulders. As the first openly transgender attorney to argue before the nation’s highest court, he carried not just legal briefs but the echoes of protests past – from the Stonewall uprising to the Compton Cafeteria riots, trans people have created a legacy of fighting for justice. Outside, hundreds of protesters pressed against police barricades, their chants rising above the marble columns. The demonstration was organized by Gender Liberation Movement (GLM) , a national collective that builds direct action, media, and policy interventions focused on bodily autonomy and self-determination in response to gender-based threats. “They want trans people to no longer exist,” said Eliel Cruz, co-founder of GLM. “And young people are the way to begin that kind of larger project.” The grassroots group has emerged as a significant force in coordinating nationwide protests against gender-based restrictions, combining street demonstrations with policy advocacy. As the Supreme Court heard arguments inside, GLM activists led chants demanding protection for transgender healthcare rights. The next day, 15 activists were arrested in a Capitol bathroom protest against new restrictions proposed by House Speaker Mike Johnson and Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) – restrictions targeting even Congress’s first openly transgender member, Sarah McBride (D-Del.) . Among those detained were Raquel Willis, a Black transgender activist known for leading the historic Brooklyn Liberation March and her rallying cry “I believe in Black trans power,” and Chelsea Manning, the former Army intelligence analyst who served seven years in prison for leaking classified documents about civilian casualties in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. House Speaker Mike Johnson defended the bathroom restrictions in a statement, saying single-sex facilities in the Capitol are “reserved for individuals of that biological sex.” Supporters of similar state-level restrictions argue they protect women’s privacy rights. “Women deserve women-only spaces,” Johnson said to The Tennessean , echoing sentiments from conservative lawmakers who have introduced similar measures in state legislatures. The parallels to history are not lost on today’s movement leaders. As Republican-led states advance hundreds of bills restricting transgender rights and healthcare, activists move in lockstep with pioneers like Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera. But this time, the battleground isn’t just the city streets, but also the marble corridors of power, and the weapons are legal briefs instead of bricks. LGBTQ+ activists have emerged as a cornerstone for civil rights movements in the United States. “We are part of every community considered from the point of view of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, disability, and class,” said Chris Sanders, executive director at the Tennessee Equality Project (TNEP.) “So we are affected by all forms of discrimination.” Sanders highlighted historic figures like Pauli Murray , civil rights activist, lawyer, and co-founder of the National Organization for Women, who they say used both she/her and they/them pronouns ; Audre Lorde, a pioneer in Black feminism; and Bayard Rustin, a core architect of the historic March on Washington, who adapted civil disobedience tactics from organizers in India, which established an iconic strategy of the Civil Rights Era. The list goes on. Larry Kramer, a Jewish American and founder of ACT UP during the HIV/AIDS pandemic , influenced healthcare policymakers including Anthony Fauci , who referenced Kramer during COVID-19. Trans figures fought in several instances to protect the First Amendment right of peaceful assembly and the constitutional rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Such examples include Tamara Ching, a trans Asian American woman at the Compton Cafeteria uprising, and Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera at Stonewall, all three women mobilizing against police brutality. Meanwhile, Harry Weider , a hard of hearing child of Holocaust survivors with dwarfism, joined ACT UP and advocated for public housing. Kiyoshi Kuromiya, an openly gay Japanese American and survivor of World War II internment, marched with Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. on Selma and served as his personal assistant . When King was assassinated, Kuromiya looked after King’s children . In 1970, Kuromiya served as the only openly gay panelist at the Black Panther Convention , representing the Gay Liberation Front Philadelphia chapter; that same year, Black Panther co-founder Huey P. Newton endorsed LGBTQ+ and women’s liberation movements . “The visibility and success of LGBTQ+ rights movements have sparked broader conversations about intersectionality, encouraging other marginalized groups to advocate for their rights,” said Manuel Hernández, who uses pronouns li/naya and he/they. Hernández serves as the executive director of ALMA Chicago , which since the AIDS epidemic has advocated for the fair treatment and equality of the Latinx LGBTQ+ community. “This ripple effect has made the fight for equality more comprehensive and interconnected.” Despite broader LGBTQ+ gains, trans people find themselves excluded while being drastically impacted by modern political debates. While the recent election cycle ushered in the historic election of openly trans Sarah McBride to Congress , less than 1% of U.S. elected officials identify publicly as LGBTQ+. Since 2017, t he Victory Institute tracked a 6% decrease in elections of trans people amid increases in elections of other LGBTQ+ candidates. Representation in office continues to be dominated by cis white gay men. This underrepresentation leaves transgender people vulnerable to discrimination and political exploitation from both parties, advocates say. Blossom C. Brown, an Afro-Native trans activist based in Los Angeles, with appearances on the trans rights podcast Transparency and in viral content at Jubiliee’s Middle Ground debates, said, “We are the easiest community to be used for political points by politicians, including some Democrats.” In 2015, Jennicet Gutierrez, co-founder of trans Latine advocacy group Familia TQLM , confronted then President Barack Obama during a White House Pride Month reception about gender-based violence against trans women in ICE detention centers . Security removed her from the event, and media outlets described her actions as heckling. During her 2024 presidential run, Vice President Kamala Harris received endorsements from several major LGBTQ+ organizations, including the Human Rights Campaign and the National LGBTQ Task Force . However, trans speakers were excluded from the 2024 Democratic National Convention. In 2018, then president Donald Trump referred to migrant caravans arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border as “hardened criminals.” Some of the earliest known caravans consisted primarily of transgender migrates, displaced by internal conflicts including U.S.-backed coups across Latin America and targeted by police due to gender identity, self-expression, and sexual orientation. In August 2017, the Transgender Law Center recorded the first known official migrant Rainbow Caravan , 11 of whom were trans and the rest LGB . The following year, several LGBTQ+ couples married at the border with Mexico before crossing over. Cruz also warned of parallel and potentially deadly consequences similar to the struggle for abortion rights. “We are going to have thousands and thousands of families and trans young people unable to access that care,” he said. “We’ll need to find either ways to get it illegally in their state, or they might have to flee.” Transgender people have begun leaving the United States. They have fled to New Zealand , France , the Netherlands, and other countries where immigration policies welcome trans asylum seekers. According to a 2023 report from Data for Progress , 41% of trans adults and 43% of trans people aged 18-24 have considered moving. Eight percent of trans adults, including those aged 18-24, have already left, alongside 9% of LGBTQ+ adults 65 or older. “The SCOTUS ruling will have a much more impact on the trans community than it will the LGBTQ community as a whole,” said Brown. “We must wake that up in this movement.” As the protests at the Supreme Court over healthcare for trans youth remain at the forefront of the debate, gender-affirming care also applies to cisgenderpeople. A Hastings Center report found that cisgender make up the majority of those seeking gender-affirming care . “These issues have systematically contributed to our detriment,” said Brown. “[S]ystemic oppression...tries to keep us as the ‘outsider.’ But truth is we are far from it!” In November 2024, TNEP and other groups successfully fought off a second conservative proposal in Tennessee’s Knox County campaign to “ protect child innocence ” by cutting funding to programs deemed sexually explicit. Opponents called it “ undefined,” while the four-page document defined prohibited content as “harmful to minors,” “matter,” “nudity,” “obscene,” “prurient interest,” and “sexual conduct.” Several nonprofits argued that such a vague resolution threatened services, such as programs that respond to and protect children from abuse . Critics called it a thinly disguised anti-drag initiative, which could have had drastic repercussions on the entire state. Thirty-five state constitutions still ban marriage equality . While federal courts overruled these bans in the Supreme Court’s Obergefell v. Hodges ruling in 2015, some legal experts worry the current court could overturn that decision as it did with abortion. Other SCOTUS rulings have undone LGBTQ+ efforts regarding universal human rights, including work and healthcare discrimination. In 2023, the Supreme Court sided with Lorie Smith, a wedding website designer, declaring that she could deny a gay couple services. However, the case centered on a straight man married to a woman who claimed that he never submitted a request . This ruling now means that anyone, regardless of sexual orientation or gender, can be denied services. In July this year, the Biden administration was unable to enforce new rules affirming healthcare for trans U.S. citizens. The SCOTUS overturning of the 1984 Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council ruling weakened federal enforcement of regulations and reduced the political authority of the Environmental Protection Agency, creating an unforeseen connection between trans rights and climate justice. In 2017, the same year as the Rainbow Caravan, the Trump administration ordered the end of the DACA program , which SCOTUS reversed in 2020 . Trump’s vows of mass deportation , partially which incorporated his twisting of the trans struggle to fit his agenda, could threaten the livelihood of many people essential to the U.S. economy, like the agriculture sector, which employs a 73% migrant workforce . As a common practice, activists center the needs of the most marginalized to create universal solutions. Cruz said that by addressing the needs of Black trans women, including disabled Black trans undocumented women with English as a second language, the rights and needs of all will be served. “This is true for all Americans,” he said. “It’s not some special thing that only Black trans people or queer trans people need.” Amid 574 anti-LGBTQ bills circulating across state legislatures and the resulting mental health crisis for trans youth, organizers plan to follow the trans legacy of activism and continue to pressure the Supreme Court to side with them through direct action. “We will never give up on our trans youth,” said Brown. “I have hope and faith that the LGBTQ community will respond with even more powerful mechanisms of change.” Sanders encouraged activists to show up for TNEP’s Zoom phone banks and “Day on the Hill” action to campaign for LGBTQ+ rights, which they will announce later. In Chicago, Hernández indicated that ALMA will mobilize through educating the wider community about transgender issues and collaborating with legal organizations like Equality Illinois . ALMA currently offers empowerment and economic mobility through programs like its Latinx LGBTQ+ Advocacy Leadership Institute. “Where possible, we’ll also explore ways to offer financial support to trans youth and families navigating new legal or medical challenges,” said Hernández. In New York City, Cruz called for increased volunteer and financial support of the Transgender Law Center and other trans-led legal efforts nationwide. “We’ve made America a better place by pushing for inclusivity,” said Brown. “Unfortunately there are groups who are threatened by this. Not our problem! We will continue the fight.” Rohan Zhou-Lee (They/Siya/祂(Tā)/Elle) is a queer/nonbinary Black Asian dancer, writer, and organizer. A 2023 Open City Fellow at the Asian American Writers’ Workshop, they have written for Newsweek, Prism Reports, NextShark, and more . Siya is also the founder of the award-winning Blasian March , a Black-Asian-Blasian grassroots solidarity organization, and for their work has been featured on CNN , NBC Chicago , USA Today , WNYC , and more . Zhou-Lee has spoken on organizing, human rights , and other subjects at New York University, The University of Tokyo, the 2022 Unite and Enough Festivals in Zürich, Switzerland, Harvard University, and more. www.diaryofafirebird.com
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