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Generally speaking, if you are looking for a basic statistic that groups the good NBA teams and the bad teams together, it’s assist-to-turnover ratio. You certainly want as many assists as possible — that’s a sign of good offense. And you would like to limit giveaways that decrease your number of looks at the bucket while often feeding your opponent Grade A opportunities. The ratio balances out the equation for teams that may turn the ball over more than others simply because it moves the ball at such a high rate. The bad teams are the ones that turn the ball over often without the added benefit of creating easy shots when they do take care of the ball. That, currently, is the group that includes the Timberwolves. The Wolves have just 1.52 assists for every turnover, the sixth-worst mark in the NBA entering Saturday’s games. Of the nine NBA teams below 1.6, only the Wolves (8-7) and Clippers (10-7) have winning records, and the Clippers have been dominant defensively. Also in the bottom nine are the two-win Wizards, the three-win 76ers and Jazz and the four-win Pelicans. Since the 2020-21 season, nine teams have finished the season with an assist-to-turnover number below 1.6. Only one of those teams won more than 27 games — the 2022-23 Magic, who went 34-48. While the Wolves are still above .500 going into their game against the defending champion Celtics on Sunday in Boston, that’s with what has been the NBA’s fourth-easiest schedule to date, per ESPN. Timberwolves coach Chris Finch has cited the turnover issues in recent weeks when discussing his team’s struggles, though he’s noted the giveaway totals have dipped in recent games, Thursday’s loss to Toronto not withstanding. But Minnesota hasn’t committed fewer than 11 turnovers in a single game this season. Meanwhile, the Wolves have tallied fewer than 25 assists in more than half of their games. It all speaks to a disjointed offense. Finch has at times attributed that to missed shots that were good looks. But the Wolves are tied with Charlotte for the fifth-fewest potential assists this season, at 43.7 per game. The stats say Minnesota’s shot making is what has saved the Wolves’ offense this season. The Wolves have the NBA’s 10th-best offensive rating, averaging 1.14 points per possession. That’s with having the League’s fourth-best effective field goal percentage (56.3). The three teams above it in that category all average 1.2-plus points per possession. Those same squads also average more than 2.1 assists per turnover. It all fits the eye test for the Timberwolves. They have an offense that’s run on shot making off isolation basketball. So much of it is without the rhythm and movement Finch aspires for his teams to achieve. And, given that this Wolves unit doesn’t seem to be nearly as dominant defensively as it was one short season ago, until Minnesota can look more like a fluid offense, it will continue to look like a .500 team, or if not worse.Trudeau, Carney push back over Trump's ongoing 51st state comments
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Adolescents in Aotearoa, New Zealand who struggle with vaping addiction feel judged by the adults in their lives, researchers at the University of Otago, Wellington—Ōtākou Whakaihu Waka, Pōneke have found. The researchers interviewed 20 New Zealanders between the ages of 16 and 18, who described themselves as moderately to heavily addicted to vaping . The research paper, " Lived experiences of stigma and altered self-perceptions among young people who are addicted to ENDS: A qualitative study from Aotearoa New Zealand ," is published in Tobacco Control . Study co-leader Anna Graham-DeMello, a Research Fellow in the University's ASPIRE Aotearoa Research Centre, says the young people spoke of feeling stigmatized and unsupported by family members. Some also felt teachers and other adults were antagonistic towards them. "Though young people understood the criticism could be coming from a caring place, many of our participants resented comments on their vaping. Instead of helping them manage their addiction, the criticism diminished their sense of self-worth. "Some were also quick to point out hypocrisy, noting, for instance, that they had often seen teachers vaping, only to be reprimanded by the same teachers. These anomalies intensified the confusion and anger they felt." In Aotearoa, 10.5% of 15–17-year-olds and 26.5% of 18–24-year-olds vape daily. Māori are two-and-a-half times more likely to vape than non-Māori. The young people in the study were attracted to vaping by its social aspect, particularly as vaping had become a normal part of their environment, Graham-DeMello says. "Our participants found this positive reinforcement decreased quickly once addiction took hold, however. Vaping disrupted their fitness and sleep, and some felt increasingly anxious or unable to concentrate." Many of those interviewed mourned their loss of fitness. One commented, "It's been quite heart breaking ... I used to be super fit ... really good cardio ... nowadays ... I can't [even] walk anywhere without losing my breath, getting a stitch." Some said they took up vaping to help them manage anxiety and stress, only to find it had the opposite effect. One noted, "I'm [now] getting more anxious and stressed because I can't [always] have [a puff] when I need it." The adolescents in the study had felt immune to addiction, despite the warnings, and had mistakenly believed they would retain control and be able to vape only when they wished while socializing. One said, "[I never thought] this would ... happen to me ... But, at the end of the day ... it's nobody else's fault." DeMello says few considered how companies manufacturing and promoting vapes were deliberately targeting them with appealing flavors and cheap devices, and even fewer considered whether inadequate regulation had failed them. "Many of the young people interviewed felt resentful and even disgusted by their addiction. They desperately wanted to overcome their addiction, but they felt alone in that struggle." Professor Janet Hoek, Co-director of the ASPIRE Aotearoa Research Centre and senior author on the research paper, says, "Our findings reinforce the need for stronger policy measures, such as disallowing disposable vape sales, as the Government plans to do. However, more needs to be done to reduce the widespread availability of vaping products. Like smoked tobacco, these products should not be sold in numerous stores as though they are everyday consumer items." Graham-DeMello says the strong feelings of regret, guilt and self-blame among participants underscore the need for measures to help them stop vaping. "Targeted cessation programs could help young people to quit, but these programs need to be based on empathy. Punitive reactions, such as school standdowns, risk reinforcing the negative feelings participants in these and other studies have reported." She says the research findings could help with the development of effective social marketing campaigns to prevent young people taking up vaping. "Relatable and poignant testimonials of stigma and poor self-esteem could deter young people from taking up vaping in the first place." The research team say the Government should consider ending the sale of vaping products in generic retailers, such as dairies and service stations (and limiting sales to stand-alone R18 retailers); capping overall retailer numbers to lower the density; preventing any vape store (new or existing) from operating within 500 meters of schools and marae; and preventing retailers from discounting vaping products or using loyalty programs. They also say close monitoring of the Government's plans to end disposable vape sales is required, given retailers' efforts to undermine previous policies. More information: Anna Graham-DeMello et al, Lived experiences of stigma and altered self-perceptions among young people who are addicted to ENDS: a qualitative study from Aotearoa New Zealand, Tobacco Control (2024). DOI: 10.1136/tc-2024-058946
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Alex Iwobi scored twice as Fulham marched into the top half of the Premier League with a win over Brighton at Craven Cottage. The Cottagers were pegged back after Iwobi’s quickfire opener by Carlos Baleba’s fine strike early in the second half. But Matt O’Riley’s own goal gifted them the lead again and Iwobi hit his second to ensure Brighton have still never beaten Fulham in the Premier League. Just three minutes had elapsed when Brighton handed Fulham the lead after playing the ball back to their goalkeeper Bart Verbruggen, a few yards to the left of his goal. The Dutchman was under minimal pressure, but his pass out towards Baleba on the edge of the box was intercepted by Iwobi who strode forward and tucked the ball into an empty net before Verbruggen could scramble back. Brighton almost hit back when Jan Paul van Hecke’s through-ball sent João Pedro through on goal, but his shot was beaten away by Bernd Leno. Moments later Fulham’s defender Calvin Bassey provided a one-man wall as he blocked efforts from Baleba and João Pedro in quick succession. Leno kept out Brighton’s best chance to equalise in the first half after Kaoru Mitoma sent in a low cross from the byline. O’Riley let the ball run to Simon Adingra, whose first-time shot from eight yards out was repelled by an instinctive arm from the Fulham keeper. Fulham could have doubled their advantage in first-half stoppage but Rodrigo Muniz, starting his first match since August, headed Antonee Robinson’s cross wide. The hosts had another opportunity straight after the restart when Harry Wilson chased a high ball over the top only to skew his volley off target. Fulham appealed for a penalty when the ball struck the arm of Baleba in the area but play was waved on and the VAR agreed. Brighton withstood the early pressure and responded by winning a corner which Van Hecke headed narrowly over. The equaliser came moments later, and for all Brighton’s slick short passing it came from Van Hecke’s straightforward ball over the top. João Pedro did brilliantly to cushion the ball into the path of Baleba, with the Cameroon youngster bludgeoning a low shot from the edge of the box past Leno into the corner. But Fulham went ahead again with 11 minutes remaining when the substitute Andreas Pereira swung in a corner. The ball skimmed off the head of Bassey and went in off the back of the unfortunate O’Riley. With three minutes left, Iwobi spun away from two Brighton defenders before curling past Verbruggen into the far corner to secure the victory for the upwardly-mobile hosts. Sign up to Football Daily Kick off your evenings with the Guardian's take on the world of football after newsletter promotion Iwobi told Amazon Prime that he felt he should be scoring more often: “We wanted to get a win on the board after our last game against Spurs. No better place to do it than at our place. “I should be getting more goals but it was good to get them for the team. We know Brighton like to play and so do we. I was able to capitalise on the high press. “We know that Brighton like to play out from the back so we came up with a structure and it obviously worked for the first goal. We take it, however, it goes in, a goal is a goal. We wanted a goal from a set piece because we were a real threat last season.” Fulham’s manager Marco Silva told Amazon Prime: “It was a big three points for us in a tough game. We started in the best way possible with the early goal but Brighton made it really difficult for us in the first half. They started with three at the back and it made it difficult for us to connect with the wide players.”F.P. Report ISLAMABAD: The National Counter Terrorism Authority (Nacta) Saturday issued a threat alert warning of potential terrorist activity by Fitna-ul-Khawarij during the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) protest scheduled for November 24. According to the alert, there are credible reports of terrorists linked to Fitna-ul-Khawarij crossing the Pakistan-Afghanistan border between the nights of November 19 and 20. These operatives are believed to have entered various major cities within Pakistan and could potentially carry out attacks at any time. Sources revealed that Nacta formally communicated these concerns to key authorities, including the Chief Commissioner Islamabad, the Inspector Generals of Police (IGPs), and the Chief Secretaries of Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJ&K). In light of the threat, NACTA urged all relevant stakeholders to enhance security arrangements and adopt proactive measures to prevent any untoward incidents during the protest. The alert stressed the critical importance of more vigilance as political activities in the capital draw closer. On the other hand, as PTI prepares itself for its planned protest on Nov 24 (Sunday), authorities have implemented extensive security and transportation restrictions across major cities, causing significant disruption for residents and commuters. In the capital city Islamabad, security measures were enforced early in the morning, with all major entry and exit points of the city being sealed. All the roads leading to the capital city were shut off, particularly those from the neighbouring cities of Rawalpindi and other surrounding areas. Container blockades have been set up along key thoroughfares like Iran Avenue and Margalla Road to prevent access to crucial parts of the city, including Parliament House and the central business districts.The Expressway, a major route connecting Islamabad with Rawalpindi, and Zero Point were also closed as authorities braced themselves for the PTI protests. There will be no internet services in several parts of the city on Sunday. The government has also imposed Section 144 to prevent gatherings.
Bonding over mutual interests is not something entirely new. Unconsciously or consciously when socialising, it’s easier to seek out someone with whom the conversation feels easier whether through shared values, interests or way of thinking. Don’t worry if you think you only stick to your comfort zone and it isn’t a coincidence either. A study published in The Journal of Social Psychology uncovered more about this phenomenon where people naturally feel closer to those they see as similar in personality and interests, even if they are from different groups, ethnicities, religions or political ideologies. It is called ‘similarity- attraction.’ ALSO READ: Been single all your life? Study says it could impact your life satisfaction Similar despite differences Humans are incredibly diverse, whether it’s based on ethnicity, religion or political beliefs. This study aimed to understand if this similarity-attraction is still present in intergroup settings where the differences are more prominent like ethnic, religious or political groups. In the study, four experiments were conducted in the US, involving over 2,600 participants. These entailed how people from different ethnicities (Black, Hispanic, and White Americans), religious groups (Baptists, Catholics, and Protestants), and political ideologies (liberals and conservatives) interact with those from other groups. The participants were asked to examine and introspect how similar they felt to members of other groups and how comfortable they would be forming close relationships with them. The finding was consistent as the researchers found that regardless of differences, when people view the other as similar to them, whether in attitude or experiences, they are more likely to form close connections with them. Implications Ethnicity, religion, and political ideologies occasionally become points of contention, with opposing opinions leading to disgruntlement. Sometimes they might escalate and make matters worse. However, at their core, people are more alike than different, and when they begin to recognize these similarities, they become more willing to understand and accept one another. This study also shows how highlighting shared traits might bridge gaps and reduce tensions. Especially in diverse societies, similarity-affect fosters people to come together and bond, despite being from different backgrounds. Unity in diversity is possible when they see deep down how similar they are- whether it is gushing over their favourite actor or analysing the new trends in drone tech. ALSO READ: 6 secrets of couples who stay together forever, according to relationship coach
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The Constitution of India is an embodiment of the aspirations of its citizens. These aspirations were also reflected in the long and painstaking process through which the Constitution came into being. This process, however, didn’t begin on November 26, 1949, when the first session of the Constituent Assembly was gavelled into existence. Debates and discussions on what should be incorporated into the Constitution started in the 19th century itself. Social movements played a crucial role in shaping the constitutional discourse, laying down the foundations of equality, dignity, social justice, and equal opportunity for any future document to govern a yet-to-be-born republic. The movements, led by Jyotiba Phule and Dr. BR Ambedkar, respectively, in different periods of history are representative of the direct impact of social movements on the framing of the Constitution. Phule’s constitutional project took inspiration from the 13th Amendment (1865) to the American Constitution, which abolished the slavery of African Americans. In 1873, Phule wrote a seminal book, titled Gulamgiri (translated as slavery), with a dedication to “the good people of the United States as a token of admiration for their sublime disinterested and self-sacrificing devotion in the cause” of slavery. Phule also hoped that the oppressor communities in India would follow a similar track in abolishing untouchability and emancipating the oppressed castes. Gulamgiri was a sharp critique of India’s caste system and oppression. In the same year, Phule also started the Satyashodhak Samaj (the truth seekers’ society) movement to unite the oppressed castes, promote their education, and build an alternative vision of an equal society. He further advocated before the British government for free and compulsory education for all. In 1882, he submitted to the Hunter Commission a document that asked the administration to “be kind enough to sanction measures for the spread of female primary education”. Dr. Ambedkar built further on Phule’s legacy in demanding constitutional rights for the oppressed castes. Before the Southborough Committee in 1919, Dr Ambedkar insisted on universal adult franchise (voting rights) for all Indians. Rejecting the contention that “franchise should be given to those only who can be expected to make an intelligent use of it’, he argued that franchise would promote the political awakening of the marginalised communities, who had long been excluded from politics and the social mainstream. The two Mahad Satyagraha led by Dr Ambedkar in 1927 established the groundwork for the non-discrimination principle and broadened the constitutional imagination of rights. The Satyagraha was a challenge to the age-old practice of restricting Dalits from accessing water from a public source used by oppressor castes. Dr Ambedkar regarded the access to public places and water resources as a fundamental civil right. In March 1927, thousands of oppressed castes walked several kilometres, under the leadership of Dr. Ambedkar, to drink water from the Chavdar tank, which was made open to everyone by the Mahad municipality in Maharashtra. However, after the gathering drank water from the tank, it was attacked by a large crowd of people from the oppressor castes, who came with sticks and stones. Later, the oppressor castes performed purification of the water tank by chanting hymns, while taking out the water from the tank in pots. This was seen by Dr Ambedkar as an effort to demoralise the Dalits in demanding their rights. Dr Ambedkar then launched a second Satyagraha in Mahad in December 1927. During this gathering, he presented certain resolutions prepared by him beforehand. These resolutions highlighted the principles that all human beings were born equal; the use of public roads, public schools, public water sources and temples is open to all; and that the “law should be equally applicable to all”. These are the modern principles of equality before law and equal protection of laws, and non-discrimination, which were later incorporated in Articles 14 and 15 of the Constitution. The second Mahad Satyagraha also rejected the authority of “Manusmriti” as Dr Ambedkar publicly burnt it. During the Round Table conferences in London in the early 1930s, Dr Ambedkar presented a clause on non-discrimination and equal access to public places, which were inspired not only by Mahad Satyagraha, but the words of the American Civil Rights Act of 1875. His negotiations at the Conference, and later with Mahatma Gandhi, led to the reservation of seats for Dalits in Parliament and state assemblies. This framework was expanded later in the Constitution by providing for the reservation of seats for backward classes, including the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, in government services and educational institutions. Around this time, Dr. Ambedkar also wrote a landmark lecture titled “Annihilation of Caste” as part of his advocacy against caste oppression, but refused to deliver it after the organisers asked him to tone down his content. Later published as a book in 1936, it conceptualised “a society based on liberty, equality and fraternity”. As he elaboarated in this treatise, fraternity was “only another name for democracy”. These ideas garnered through the anti-caste social movements were brought by Dr Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly. Similarly, other members of the assembly carried forward the demands from anti-colonial struggle, women’s movements, Adivasi movements, and peasant movements. In effect, social movements were instrumental in deciding the fate of the final text of several constitutional provisions such as equality, free speech, freedom of conscience and social reform, universal adult franchise, constitutional remedies, and even the Preamble. The broader principles embedded in the Constitution, influenced by earlier pre-independence social movements, were invoked by subsequent movements to advocate for enhanced constitutional safeguards and rights for citizens. Post-independence social movements have led to the enactment of laws to prohibit and prevent atrocities against Dalits and Adivasis, outlaw manual scavenging, and provide adequate quotas in educational institutions for other backward classes. Several pieces of legislation, such as the law providing the right to information, have been passed due to the efforts of civil society-led movements. These vignettes hint at why the Indian Constitution is a unique document – one that lays the legal foundation of a republic but more importantly creates a just and equitable social landscape for that republic to stand and thrive on. This is why pioneering American constitutionalist Granville Austin called the Constitution primarily a social document, one that he described as the cornerstone of a nation. Anurag Bhaskar is the author of The Foresighted Ambedkar: Ideas That Shaped Indian Constitution Discourse. The views expressed are personal.