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82 jili ph Sedgwick shares major trends in Forecasting 2025 reportNoneShares of Lucid Group, Inc. ( NASDAQ:LCID – Get Free Report ) were up 1.9% on Thursday . The stock traded as high as $2.20 and last traded at $2.17. Approximately 53,835,895 shares changed hands during mid-day trading, an increase of 43% from the average daily volume of 37,516,766 shares. The stock had previously closed at $2.13. Wall Street Analysts Forecast Growth Several equities analysts have recently commented on LCID shares. Robert W. Baird restated a “neutral” rating and set a $3.00 price target on shares of Lucid Group in a research note on Monday, October 7th. Royal Bank of Canada cut their target price on shares of Lucid Group from $3.00 to $2.00 and set a “sector perform” rating on the stock in a research report on Tuesday, November 19th. Needham & Company LLC reaffirmed a “hold” rating on shares of Lucid Group in a research report on Friday, November 8th. Cantor Fitzgerald reiterated a “neutral” rating and set a $4.00 price objective on shares of Lucid Group in a research note on Tuesday, October 8th. Finally, Cfra set a $2.00 target price on Lucid Group in a report on Thursday, October 17th. One equities research analyst has rated the stock with a sell rating, seven have assigned a hold rating and one has issued a buy rating to the company’s stock. Based on data from MarketBeat, Lucid Group presently has an average rating of “Hold” and a consensus price target of $3.16. Check Out Our Latest Report on Lucid Group Lucid Group Stock Up 0.5 % Insider Buying and Selling In related news, Director Public Investment Fund purchased 374,717,927 shares of the business’s stock in a transaction on Wednesday, October 30th. The shares were acquired at an average price of $2.59 per share, for a total transaction of $970,519,430.93. Following the purchase, the director now owns 8,041,393 shares of the company’s stock, valued at $20,827,207.87. This trade represents a -102.19 % increase in their position. The transaction was disclosed in a document filed with the Securities & Exchange Commission, which is accessible through this link . 61.26% of the stock is owned by company insiders. Institutional Investors Weigh In On Lucid Group Several institutional investors and hedge funds have recently made changes to their positions in LCID. Sanctuary Advisors LLC acquired a new stake in Lucid Group during the 2nd quarter worth about $26,000. Accredited Investors Inc. purchased a new position in shares of Lucid Group in the second quarter worth about $27,000. Frank Rimerman Advisors LLC lifted its holdings in shares of Lucid Group by 925.0% during the second quarter. Frank Rimerman Advisors LLC now owns 10,250 shares of the company’s stock worth $27,000 after purchasing an additional 9,250 shares during the period. QRG Capital Management Inc. purchased a new stake in Lucid Group in the second quarter valued at approximately $34,000. Finally, Pine Valley Investments Ltd Liability Co increased its holdings in Lucid Group by 34.9% in the 2nd quarter. Pine Valley Investments Ltd Liability Co now owns 13,710 shares of the company’s stock worth $36,000 after buying an additional 3,549 shares during the period. 75.17% of the stock is currently owned by institutional investors and hedge funds. About Lucid Group ( Get Free Report ) Lucid Group, Inc a technology company, designs, engineers, manufactures, and sells electric vehicles (EV), EV powertrains, and battery systems. It also designs and develops proprietary software in-house for Lucid vehicles. The company sells vehicles directly to consumers through its retail sales network and direct online sales, including Lucid Financial Services. Featured Articles Receive News & Ratings for Lucid Group Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Lucid Group and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .

More than two weeks after the 2024 election, the White House says President-elect Donald Trump and his team still haven’t executed the legal documents required to officially start the transition process. Trump is due to take the presidential oath of office on the Capitol steps in just under 60 days. Yet, White House Press Secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said Thursday that the Trump-Vance team “not yet entered into the agreements with the White House and the General Service Administration” despite ongoing efforts to negotiate involving White House Chief of Staff Jeff Zients and his incoming Trump administration counterpart, Susie Wiles. Last week, Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts said the Trump transition team was “breaking the law” by not signing the memoranda, which include required ethics agreements. Jean-Pierre said Zients has “reached out” to Trump transition co-chairs Howard Lutnick and Linda McMahon and has “consistently reiterated ... wanting to work together and making sure that they have what they need.” “So we're going to continue to engage with the Trump transition team to ensure that we do have that efficient, effective transition of power, and in those conversations, we certainly are stressing that the White House and the administration stand ready to provide assistance, and that access to services and information,” she said. “So those conversations continue, and we want this to go smoothly, and that's what we're trying to get to.” Without the signed documents, Trump’s team cannot access any government resources made available to incoming administrations. They cannot enter any government buildings or speak to any currently serving government personnel — including the Biden administration officials they are replacing. “ Donald Trump and his transition team are already breaking the law. I would know because I wrote the law. Incoming presidents are required to prevent conflicts of interest and sign an ethics agreement,” Warren wrote in a post on X/Twitter last week. She added: “This is what illegal corruption looks like.” Before September 1, candidates are supposed to enter into a memorandum of understanding with the General Services Administration to get a hold of support services. Before October 1, candidates are supposed to enter into a memorandum of understanding with the federal government regarding conditions of access to agencies — and that includes an ethics plan. As of now, neither document has been executed. The laws governing presidential transitions are set up to ensure both a peaceful transfer of power and to safeguard national security by allowing incoming officials to receive temporary security clearances required before they can be brought up to speed on threats facing the country. After the September 11, 2001 terror attacks on New York and Washington, the presidential commission charged with investigating the attacks found that the truncated transition between the Clinton administration and the George W Bush administration — caused by the disputed 2000 election which ended up in a recount that took months to resolve by the Supreme Court — resulted in delays before Bush’s team was able to get up to speed. The commission said national security was harmed by the delays, particularly by how they hampered the confirmation of Bush’s national security team.Billionaire Elon Musk has been using his social media platform X to go to bat for President-elect Donald Trump's cabinet picks and promote his own preferred candidates, advocating for choices he views as change agents who will help remake the US government. In several high-profile cases, however, Musk backed people who either lost out on the roles or withdrew from consideration, suggesting some early limits to the Republican mega donor's influence even as he has emerged as one of Trump's most powerful allies. Musk, who has 206 million followers on X, posted or reposted about Trump's cabinet picks more than 70 times between Nov. 7 and Nov. 20, a Reuters review found. Though the posts represented just a fraction of his more than 2,000 posts during that period, Musk in many cases used them to give attention to Trump's most controversial choices, including former Democratic congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard for US intelligence chief and environmental activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr to lead the top US health agency. Musk most enthusiastically rallied support for Matt Gaetz, the former congressman Trump initially tapped to be his attorney general. In the days following Gaetz's Nov. 13 nomination, Musk posted 37 times about Gaetz or his wife Ginger, mostly in positive terms. That was far more than his posts about Trump's other appointments. Gaetz backed out of consideration on Nov. 21, saying his candidacy had become a distraction for Trump amid allegations of sexual misconduct and illicit drug abuse. He has denied wrongdoing. For Trump's Treasury secretary, Musk pushed for Wall Street financier Howard Lutnick over hedge fund manager Scott Bessent, whom Musk dismissed as "a business-as-usual choice." Bessent got the job anyway. And in a separate fight over Senate leadership, Musk's endorsed candidate also came up short. One Trump ally said those misses showed the limitations of Musk's sway. Musk's reach on X "doesn’t mean he’s an effective advocate for his positions or chosen cabinet members," the Trump ally said. "He's still learning how to operate in politics." Spokespeople for X and Musk did not respond to Reuters requests for comment for this story. Musk, who owns X and rocket company SpaceX and is chief executive of the electric car company Tesla Inc. TSLA.O, poured at least $119 million into getting Trump elected and has been a near-constant fixture at Trump's Florida residence, Mar-a-Lago, since his election victory earlier this month. The two men attended an Ultimate Fighting Championship event in New York and a SpaceX launch in Texas, and Musk traveled with Trump to Washington for his meeting with President Joe Biden. On Saturday, Musk reposted a photo that showed him sitting with Trump, Lutnick and Republican Senator Joni Ernst at Mar-a-Lago, where they were discussing cabinet nominees, according to the caption. "Elon Musk and President Trump are great friends and brilliant leaders working together to Make America Great Again. Elon Musk is a once-in-a-generation business leader, and our federal bureaucracy will certainly benefit from his ideas and efficiency," said Brian Hughes, a spokesperson for the Trump transition team. Musk's close proximity to Trump has prompted some hand-wringing and complaints from the transition team, who were not accustomed to him being around so much, according to two sources close to Trump staff. Amid increased scrutiny of his unusual role, Musk wrote in a post on X on Nov. 20 that while he had offered his opinion on some candidates, he was not in charge. "Many selections occur without my knowledge and decisions are 100% that of the President," Musk said. Elon Musk: Trump win could hand Tesla billionaire unprecedented power Efficiency and emojis Musk's political posts on X far outnumbered those he used to promote his three businesses, the Reuters review found. He frequently mocks liberals and posts about government waste and Trump's newly created government efficiency panel, which the president-elect tapped Musk and entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy to lead. Musk's typical posts consist either of an emoji or a short response to other posts. "Exactly," he wrote on Nov. 14, in response to a post noting that Trump's cabinet picks were "young outsiders" who "skipped the line." He responded with “Awesome” and a smile emoji on Nov. 13 to a post that said: “They put Tulsi Gabbard on a terror watchlist. Now she’s Director of National Intelligence. The biggest ‘F you’ to the Deep State Swamp.” On Nov. 16, as questions swirled about who Trump would pick for his Treasury secretary, Musk wrote on X that Bessent was "a business-as-usual choice," while Lutnick would "actually enact change." Musk also lobbied against Bessent internally, two sources close to Trump said. His efforts fell flat. On Nov. 22, Trump tapped Bessent for the job. Earlier in the month, Musk threw his support behind Republican Senator Rick Scott for Senate majority leader. Trump chose not to weigh in, and Scott ultimately lost to Senator John Thune for the position. One source close to Musk was struck by Musk's willingness to stick with Trump even after he’s been “shut down a couple of times” by the president-elect. "That’s very rare for a billionaire," the source said. "In general when they don’t get what they want, they walk away." The source said Musk was committed to Trump's government efficiency efforts. "He's really focused on the goal," the source said. Another test of Musk's influence lies ahead. Since the election, he has posted six times in support of Trump loyalist Kash Patel running the FBI. Patel, who served on Trump's National Security Council during his first term, has promised to go after politicians and journalists perceived to be enemies of Trump. Musk's X posts make clear that he sees Patel as the best option for change and reform. On Nov. 14, Musk posted a “100%” emoji in response to a clip of Patel saying that he would shut down the FBI’s headquarters on day one of Trump's new administration and reopen it as a “Deep State Museum,” with the caption “Make him FBI director.” Reporting by Helen Coster in New York and Alexandra Ulmer in San Francisco. Additional reporting by Ned Parker. Editing by Colleen Jenkins and Alistair Bell.

Toyin Abraham Vows To Prioritize Fans Over Politics

Why is the use of AI in medical healthcare rising? In order to understand this sudden popularity of using artificial technology in medicine, we must acknowledge one of the most consequential changes in our modern world. COVID-19. During the COVID pandemic, there was a great change in society, with the pandemic overwhelming medical systems around the world, affecting healthcare to a large extent. This led to a large increase in the development of useful AI systems, such as Nestler, who created many AI tools to aid with the collecting of data and quickly analyse datasets and scans in seconds. Additionally, AI can help doctors analyse photos, noticing microscopic details that can easily pass the human eye, possibly helping doctors quickly notice the source of trouble and further understand the day-to-day needs of the patients they look after. This can help detect many conditions faster, helping to save a proliferating number of lives. The use of AI during wide-scale diseases AI is a crucial element enduring widespread disease. This is because training AI to help notice important patterns and predict useful medicine can be a salient help in saving many lives. One example of this is AI analysing COVID patients to find suspected diseases, reducing the time the pathogen remains unknown and therefore helping support their speedy recovery. This had a great effect on the diagnosis of many diseases, so much so that it aided the creation of the COVID vaccine. What does the future of AI in medicine look like? It is predicted that by 2030, AI will function independently in complex environments. However, what does this mean for the future of medicine? First, there will be a large amount of change in the workforce, with new positions and skills being required in the job market. However, with human interaction being a key aspect of healthcare, we can confidently assume our roles are safe for the time being. But as our world continues to change drastically, the future may be that of a trust between humans and computers, relying on them as a main source of medical guidance. Until then, AI will continue to augment human intelligence in medical matters, supporting us over the next few decades.

ATLANTA (AP) — the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. years old. The died on Sunday, more than a year after entering , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, who , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, and well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. ‘Jimmy Who?’ His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. ‘A wonderful life’ At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report. Bill Barrow, The Associated PressFor many music lovers, the launch of Spotify Wrapped is one of the most exciting events of the year. If you're not cringing too much at your results, you might be tempted to share your Spotify Wrapped on social media. However, this could reveal more about yourself than you might think. According to scientists, the genres we prefer and the way we consume music can reveal some surprising details about our personalities. If Eminem was your top artist this year, it could be a warning sign of a psychopathic personality. Swifties, on the other hand, are more likely to be agreeable, extroverted and forgiving - but less creative than other fans. And while fans of metal might get a bad reputation, research has shown that they are really gentle introverts who let off steam with aggressive music. Meanwhile, if you listened to thousands of new songs this year, experts say you are likely to be open-minded, curious, and a little bit neurotic. Before you share your Spotify Wrapped to social media, remember that your taste in music might reveal a lot more about your personality than you think Eminem's 'Lose Yourself' was found to be the favourite song of people with psychopathic tendencies. However, most rap fans are generally outgoing risk-takers, with a strong sense of self-confidence and a willingness to try new things What does your top artist say about you? If you're a fan of upbeat pop music, Taylor Swift, Chappell Roan, or Charli XCX are likely to be among your top artists this year. Across a number of studies, fans of pop have consistently been found to score higher on personality tests for agreeability and extraversion. For example, one influential 2003 study from the University of Texas at Austin found that 'individuals who enjoy listening to upbeat and conventional music are cheerful, socially outgoing, reliable, enjoy helping others, see themselves as physically attractive, and tend to be relatively conventional.' While fans of pop score highly for some... Wiliam Hunter

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Key details to know about the arrest of a suspect in the killing of UnitedHealthcare's CEONEW YORK , Nov. 30, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Why: Rosen Law Firm, a global investor rights law firm, reminds purchasers of securities of iLearningEngines, Inc. (NASDAQ: AILE) between April 22, 2024 and August 28, 2024 , both dates inclusive (the "Class Period"), of t the important December 6, 2024 lead plaintiff deadline. So what: If you purchased iLearningEngines securities during the Class Period you may be entitled to compensation without payment of any out of pocket fees or costs through a contingency fee arrangement. What to do next: To join the iLearningEngines class action, go to https://rosenlegal.com/submit-form/?case_id=28305 or call Phillip Kim, Esq. toll-free at 866-767-3653 or email case@rosenlegal.com for information on the class action. A class action lawsuit has already been filed. If you wish to serve as lead plaintiff, you must move the Court no later than December 6, 2024 . A lead plaintiff is a representative party acting on behalf of other class members in directing the litigation. Why Rosen Law: We encourage investors to select qualified counsel with a track record of success in leadership roles. Often, firms issuing notices do not have comparable experience, resources, or any meaningful peer recognition. Be wise in selecting counsel. The Rosen Law Firm represents investors throughout the globe, concentrating its practice in securities class actions and shareholder derivative litigation. Rosen Law Firm achieved the largest ever securities class action settlement against a Chinese Company at the time. Rosen Law Firm was Ranked No. 1 by ISS Securities Class Action Services for number of securities class action settlements in 2017. The firm has been ranked in the top 4 each year since 2013 and has recovered hundreds of millions of dollars for investors. In 2019 alone the firm secured over $438 million for investors. In 2020, founding partner Laurence Rosen was named by law360 as a Titan of Plaintiffs' Bar. Many of the firm's attorneys have been recognized by Lawdragon and Super Lawyers. Details of the case: According to the lawsuit, during the Class Period, defendants made false and/or misleading statements and/or failed to disclose that: (1) iLearningEngines' "Technology Partner" was an undisclosed related party; (2) iLearningEngines used its undisclosed related party Technology Partner to report "largely fake" revenue and expenses; (3) as a result of the foregoing, iLearningEngines significantly overstated its revenue; and (4) as a result of the foregoing, defendants' positive statements about iLearningEngines' business, operations, and prospects were materially misleading and/or lacked a reasonable basis. When the true details entered the market, the lawsuit claims that investors suffered damages. To join the iLearningEngines class action, go to https://rosenlegal.com/submit-form/?case_id=28305 or call Phillip Kim, Esq. toll-free at 866-767-3653 or email case@rosenlegal.com for information on the class action. No Class Has Been Certified. Until a class is certified, you are not represented by counsel unless you retain one. You may select counsel of your choice. You may also remain an absent class member and do nothing at this point. An investor's ability to share in any potential future recovery is not dependent upon serving as lead plaintiff. Follow us for updates on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/the-rosen-law-firm , on Twitter: https://twitter.com/rosen_firm or on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/rosenlawfirm/ . Attorney Advertising. Prior results do not guarantee a similar outcome. Contact Information: Laurence Rosen, Esq. Phillip Kim, Esq. The Rosen Law Firm, P.A. 275 Madison Avenue, 40th Floor New York, NY 10016 Tel: (212) 686-1060 Toll Free: (866) 767-3653 Fax: (212) 202-3827 case@rosenlegal.com www.rosenlegal.com View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/aile-deadline-aile-investors-have-opportunity-to-lead-ilearningengines-inc-securities-fraud-lawsuit-302318967.html SOURCE THE ROSEN LAW FIRM, P. A.

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Christmas market opens for 2024 holiday season at Lansdowne ParkThe highs and lows of commercial real estate in 2024: Bay Area offices, hotels and apartments falter, but tech deals offer hopeJimmy Carter was arguably of America’s post-World War II era. in Plains, Ga., the Carter Center said. Leaders who reach the pinnacle of power are usually complicated individuals. But Carter was a man whose outward image was often the opposite of what lay underneath. He strove to convey simplicity and humility, yet he was a highly sophisticated man with ego and ambition that burned hotter than most. “Don’t pay any attention to that smile. That don’t mean a thing,” said Ben Fortson, Georgia’s secretary of state for a period of 33 years that included Carter’s tenure as governor. “That man is made of steel, determination and stubbornness.” Carter’s own wife, Rosalynn, once said that her husband “appears kind of meek or something. People always underestimate him.” Carter has been widely considered an unsuccessful president who was overwhelmed by events. And compared with the presidencies of, say, Johnson, Nixon or Reagan, Carter’s single term is a period that historians and the public showed very little interest in revisiting, though that began to shift in his last few years. Yet he lived a compelling, exemplary life, and he was beset by challenges in office that would have stymied most leaders. During Carter’s term, he was unable to resolve the major problems that confronted America in the late 1970s. He could not tame inflation or unite the Democratic Party, and he couldn’t free the Americans who were held captive in Iran for more than a year. It’s not well known, however, that the agreement that led to freedom for the 52 American hostages in Tehran was negotiated by Carter and his administration during his final weeks in office. Ronald Reagan had little if anything to do with it, even though he is commonly given credit, since the Iranians released the hostages moments after he was inaugurated. In 1979 Carter appointed Paul Volcker as chairman of the Federal Reserve; Volcker’s policies brought down inflation, which was running in double digits by the end of the decade, though it took time for that to happen, and Reagan reaped the political benefits. Some critiques of the Volcker appointment have come from the left, who said his policies benefitted Wall Street at the expense of the working class. Reagan is also given all the credit for the fall of the Soviet Union and communism. But Carter’s one-two punch — he increased defense spending and made human rights a core plank of American foreign policy — put pressure on the Soviets fiscally and morally, and Carter for forcing the USSR onto an unsustainable trajectory. It was Carter’s style that rubbed many Americans the wrong way. When Teddy Kennedy decided to run against him in 1980, challenging the incumbent president of his own party, he made Carter’s lack of leadership his central argument. "Only the president can provide the sense of direction needed by the nation," Kennedy said when he announced his candidacy in November 1979. "For many months, we have been sinking into crisis, yet we hear no clear summons from the center of power.” Over the years, Carter has been commonly remembered as a kind of Mister Rogers figure, a soft-spoken man wearing a sweater who was good but not strong. Yet Carter’s strength was on display all his life. He grew up in rural poverty and worked his way into the Naval Academy. He had few political connections in Georgia and yet willed his way to the governorship. And he won the presidency with few insider party credentials. And then, after a devastating and overwhelming loss to Reagan in 1980, Carter revolutionized what it means to be an ex-president. He won the release of political prisoners around the world, resolved conflicts in war zones, monitored elections in fledgling democracies and helped eradicate disease. He wrote or published more than 30 books in the years after his presidency, including a novel (the first by a U.S. president), a book of poetry, a children’s book, a book on fishing and other outdoor sporting activities, two on making the most of older years (one of which he co-wrote with Rosalynn), a few on the Middle East, a few personal history books focused on different periods of his life, and a handful of religious devotional books. And finally, he remained married to Rosalynn for 77 years — until her death in 2023 — and he lived to the age of 100. Carter’s father and his three siblings had all died in their 50s or early 60s of pancreatic cancer, and yet he overcame brain cancer at age 90. He never lost his intense zeal for life. He certainly wasn’t overly nice. In fact, one of the biggest criticisms of Carter during the 1980 campaign against Reagan was that Carter was too mean. He consistently, throughout his political career, made the mistake of personally attacking his opponents in ways that backfired with the electorate. He painted Reagan as an unstable warmonger and said that if the Republican were elected, “Americans might be separated, Black from white, Jew from Christian, North from South, rural from urban.” Carter had, in fact, made a deliberate decision at the beginning of his political career — which consumed less than a fifth of his entire life — that he could participate in the morally nebulous world of campaigns and governance and still retain his personal integrity. He once compared being a state senator to being a pastor with 80,000 parishioners. He was deeply influenced by Christian theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, who wrote that “man is the kind of lion who both kills the lamb and dreams of when the lion and the lamb shall lie down together.” Carter called a collection of Niebuhr’s essays his “political bible.” Jimmy Carter was born Oct. 1, 1924, in a small local hospital in the southwest Georgia town of Plains. He was the first U.S. president born in a hospital. Carter was the first child of James Earl Carter, a World War I veteran and an industrious peanut farmer, and Lillian Carter, a nurse. He would become known as the “man from Plains,” but he actually grew up in a place called Archery, 2.5 miles west of Plains. This was Carter’s term for it: not a town or a village, but a “place.” Archery “was never quite a real town,” Carter wrote. It’s no longer even on any maps. But “it’s where I grew up,” he said. There was no running water in Carter’s home until he was 9 years old, and he and his family would relieve themselves either in one of the “slop jars” that were in each of the three bedrooms or out back in the outdoor privy. They did not have toilet paper. When his father bought a small windmill in 1935, it powered a toilet, a sink and a rudimentary shower. The showerhead was a can with holes poked in it. Electricity would not arrive on most farms until President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Rural Electrification Administration made headway, so artificial light came from kerosene lamps. And until the 1940s, the farming process in the Deep South was largely the same as during colonial times nearly 200 years before. Tractors or any form of mechanized power were rare, so plowing was done with mules. Harvesting was done by hand and depended on manual labor, usually from Black tenant workers who lived in shacks on the farm property in exchange for a job, and who had little prospect of ever earning much money. The Southern farm population actually grew from 1930 to 1935, as city workers lost jobs and moved to places like Archery. Carter’s father, Earl, owned 350 acres. It was a good-sized farm, especially since many other family estates were in a multi-decade process of being subdivided by descendants of Southern plantation owners after the Civil War. And Earl made the most of it. He was smart, thrifty, and a good businessman. Earl could be stoic and restrained, and was sometimes severe. The family did not speak at the dinner table, although they were allowed to bring books to read while they ate. Jimmy strove to please his father and rarely felt he succeeded. But he had a happy childhood, roaming through creeks and forests with friends, shirtless and shoeless. But he also engaged in demanding physical labor from a young age. He picked cotton alongside field hands. He learned how to guide the mules in plowing the fields. He had two younger sisters, Gloria and Ruth. His only brother, Billy, was not born until Jimmy was 12 years old. Earl Carter’s politics were segregationist and white supremacist, as were most white Georgians’ at the time. But Jimmy’s mother, Lillian, was a progressive on racial questions from a young age. Earl “was tolerant if not supportive of Lillian’s views,” Carter wrote in “Turning Point,” his 1992 memoir of growing up in Georgia. Earl was “above all, a Talmadge man,” meaning he was a devoted supporter of Eugene Talmadge, the arch-segregationist governor of Georgia in the 1930s and ’40s. When Earl died in 1953, Jimmy was a naval officer stationed in Schenectady, N.Y., on a track that would have put him in position to potentially take command of a nuclear submarine in the near future. But he abandoned his naval career to come home and take over his parents’ farm, overriding Rosalynn’s strong opposition to the move. He ran for state Senate in 1962. A corrupt local official stood in a polling place telling residents how to vote, intimidating Carter supporters and stuffing the ballot box. Yet Carter mounted a drive to have the vote recounted and the corruption investigated. He succeeded, largely thanks to a series of articles in the Atlanta Journal, and was seated in the legislature. When his church, the First Baptist Church in Plains, voted in the summer of 1964 to formalize its practice of preventing Black worshippers from attending services, Carter stood and spoke against the resolution. Many in the congregation abstained from voting out of fear, but of those who did vote, only Carter’s family and one other farmer opposed the proposal. It passed 54 to 6. He was not outspoken on some racial hot-button issues. But he pointedly refused to join the segregationist White Citizens Council, despite threats and intimidation. Carter ran for governor in 1966 but came in third in the Democratic primary, behind former Gov. Ellis Arnall and Lester Maddox, a committed segregationist who won a runoff with Arnall and then the governorship in the fall. Carter turned his attention quickly to running for governor again in 1970. He also experienced an existential crisis at the age of 42, questioning the direction and meaning of his life. He began reading the Bible more closely and questioning . During this time, Carter discovered Niebuhr. He traveled with three other men to Lock Haven, Pa., a coal-mining town in the center of the state, to proselytize for a new Southern Baptist church that was coming to the town. He spent 10 days knocking on doors. At each home, Carter or another man would talk about their personal faith in Jesus Christ and invite anyone interested to nightly services that they organized at the local YMCA. Carter later described his time in Lock Haven as a “miracle.” It was, he said, “where I first experienced in a personal and intense way the presence of the Holy Spirit in my life.” This was an early precursor to the “born again” dynamic of Christians in the 1970s whose revivals created the “Jesus movement.” In his 1970 campaign against former Gov. Carl Sanders, Carter sought the support of African American pastors and had the endorsement of Martin Luther King Jr. But his campaign also made covert appeals to white bigotry. Campaign aides distributed fliers with a photo of Sanders, a part owner of the Atlanta Hawks, celebrating a victory with a Black player, Lou Hudson. Carter also made numerous overtures to supporters of Alabama Gov. George Wallace, one of the staunchest defenders of segregation, and attracted the support of the most notorious white supremacists in Georgia. “I never made a racist statement,” Carter told me in a 2015 interview. “But I did get the more conservative country votes there in Georgia because I never did anything to alienate them.” In his inaugural speech in 1971, Carter recast himself once again as a racial progressive. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he said. To the Black leaders in Georgia he promised, “You’re going to like me as governor.” Carter’s main achievement as governor was a major reorganization of the state government, to consolidate agencies and introduce more efficiency. But his limitations as an executive were already clear during his time in Atlanta. He had no use or appreciation for the human and relational side of politics, which is crucial to working with a legislature. “He had very few personal relationships, in my opinion,” said Bert Lance, a friend and adviser who ran Georgia’s powerful transportation department under Carter. “I like people. I like to be around them. I try to be cordial to them. Not that he doesn’t, but he’d just rather be by himself.” E. Stanly Godbold noted in his biography of Carter that during his time as governor, “Apart from Rosalynn, he saw as few people as possible. ... Usually he ate lunch alone in his office, ordering the food from the cafeteria. ... In the afternoons he studied serious academic books about politics and society." The first recorded instance of Carter discussing the presidency was in the summer of 1971, less than a year after he was elected governor. By the fall of 1972, he and his close circle of advisers had begun to openly talk about it and began planning for a run in 1976. Few took him seriously. When Carter first raised the topic of running for president with his mother, Lillian, she responded, “President of what?” But even before Watergate, Carter and his advisers discussed the need for “moral leadership” in the country in the wake of the Vietnam War’s divisive effect. A national leader was needed, they thought, who would be more transparent and open with the country and say things that might be unpopular. Adviser Ham Jordan argued that a Carter candidacy should “encompass and expand on the Wallace constituency and ‘populist’ philosophy by being a better qualified and more responsible alternative.” Carter would represent a “New South” and could help the Democrats hold on to their fracturing coalition, which included large swaths of the South along with big-city machines across the Rust Belt, organized labor and minorities. Carter pioneered a new approach to primaries, campaigning hard in every state, aided by young advisers who had closely studied the way the nominating system had changed, and who also understood the growing importance of television as a way to project an image that superseded political ideology. He benefited from an organized effort by Democratic activists in Florida who lobbied and pressured other Democrats to stay out of the state’s primary in 1976 to give Carter a clean one-on-one matchup against Wallace, who was running for president a fourth time and had won the primary in Florida in 1972 with 41% of the vote. Carter is remembered as an inept communicator, but in person, he converted followers with the success — and the methods — of a traveling preacher. “A strange calm came over the audience as he talked of America’s basic goodness,” Jules Witcover, a reporter for the Washington Post, observed early in the campaign. “His speeches are mostly received with a strange quietness,” Charles Mohr wrote in the New York Times. Carter said the nation’s decency had only been “temporarily obscured by the debasings perpetuated by [former President Richard] Nixon.” “I want a government that is as good, and honest, and decent, and truthful, and fair, and competent, and idealistic, and compassionate, and as filled with love as are the American people,” he said, over and over. Witcover, who compared Carter to Christian evangelist Billy Graham, called this phrase Carter’s “personal rosary” and noted that “in crowd after crowd, it worked.” The country was not only disillusioned by Nixon and Watergate. Americans were disquieted and made anxious by the rise of inflation in the early ’70s, by the energy crisis of 1973 that created lines of cars at gas stations and by a slowing economy. Wages were flatlining. Jobs were disappearing. The cost of living was going up. People may have wanted someone to redeem the country, but they also wanted someone who could restore their confidence and ease their economic pain. There were no themes to Carter’s candidacy except “faith in Jimmy Carter and the sense of hope he sought to inspire in the American people,” wrote Carter adviser Peter Bourne. Witcover picked up on this as well. “He asked of voters the same ‘leap of faith’ that is at the core of religious belief,” he wrote. The electorate was ripe for this approach, as Carter pollster Pat Caddell had discovered. Voters wanted “non ideological change and the restoration of values.” He came out of nowhere to win the Iowa caucuses, and by the time he defeated Wallace in Florida, Carter had a head of steam that carried him to the nomination. He narrowly defeated President Gerald Ford in the popular vote, 40.8 million votes to 39.1 million, and in the Electoral College, 297 to 240. It was the smallest margin of victory in electoral votes for a president since 1916. In addition, the negative tone of the campaign had taken a toll. The election saw the lowest voter turnout for a presidential race in 28 years, at only 54%. Carter entered Washington as an outsider, and the presidency without much of a mandate. He was the first presidential candidate to win control of the government while running against government. Barry Goldwater had attempted it in 1964 and was crushed. Carter told audiences in 1976 that “our government in Washington now is a horrible bureaucratic mess. It is disorganized, wasteful, has no purpose, and its policies — when they exist — are incomprehensible or devised by special interest groups with little regard for the welfare of the average American citizen.” Carter was not a part of the Washington establishment, and he was proud of it. But his outsider status left him exposed when events began to undermine him. He didn’t understand the presidency or have the help of anyone who did. Carter showed signs early on of the myopic, obsessive managerial style that would cause him trouble later. It emerged that the president would sometimes scrutinize the list of government officials scheduled to accompany him on a foreign trip and scratch out the names of those he did not think needed to come. And any staff who wanted to use the tennis court on the White House grounds had to receive permission from the president himself. “He has his eye on anything that moves,” said an aide. As the summer of 1977 arrived, there were more serious warning signs. The House had passed most of Carter’s energy plan, but polling showed declining public support for the legislation. Carter and his administration were pushing the Senate to ratify the treaty they had negotiated with Panama over transfer of the canal, but Senate Majority Leader Robert Byrd was in no rush, and the right was in an uproar over the move. Former California Gov. Ronald Reagan was denouncing the Panama deal on his daily radio commentary, which reached 40 million people. And the president’s relations with the Jewish community were declining as a result of his focus on peace talks and his prickly relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin. In the fall of 1978, Carter achieved what would be the high-water mark of his presidency, drawing on all his powers of persuasion, all his determination and stubbornness, to keep Begin and Egyptian President Anwar Sadat at the Camp David presidential retreat for 13 days, long enough for them to agree to a Middle East peace deal. But Carter’s charisma and grit weren’t doing much for the American people at home. Inflation climbed in 1978, from 6.8% at the beginning of the year to 9% in November. By May 1979, it was at 11% and still climbing, headed to 13% at the end of the year. The purchasing power of the middle class had been under strain for years, and now it was being obliterated. The economy was stuck in neutral, with the industrial sector in full collapse, roiling the middle portion of the country, where jobs and pensions had been easy to come by for years. The Soviet Union was building up its military. And there was great concern about the rise of Japan as an economic superpower. Violent crime had been increasing in the nation for over a decade, with murders doubling since 1966 to the highest point in American history in the late ’70s. In late April 1979, former Carter speechwriter James Fallows unleashed a barrage of criticism at the president in the Atlantic magazine. “For the part of his job that involves leadership, Carter's style of thought cripples him. He thinks he ‘leads’ by choosing the correct policy; but he fails to project a vision larger than the problem he is tackling at the moment,” Fallows wrote. He felt that Carter’s weakness was that he approached problems as “technical, not historical” and that he had a “lack of curiosity about how the story turned out before.” Around that same time, gas shortages caused in part by the Islamic Revolution in Iran created gas lines in parts of the country. People waited for hours to fill up, and violence began to mount. Adding to the chaos, independent truckers went on strike to protest the rising price of diesel and began blocking highways and filling stations with their rigs. There were violent attacks on truck drivers who sought to break ranks with the strikers. In late June, frustration over the gas lines and the trucker protests came to a boiling point in the Philadelphia suburb of Levittown, where widespread rioting broke out. Police arrested 200 people over two nights, and 44 officers were injured. Carter was scheduled to give an energy speech on July 5 to calm the country’s frayed nerves. But one day before the speech, he canceled it and remained at Camp David. For the first 24 hours, most of the White House staff didn’t even know what the president was doing. Eventually, he stayed there 10 days, hosting groups of governors, religious leaders, economists, members of Congress and other assorted people, talking through the nation’s challenges. He hoped to help the American people think of the energy crisis in the same way they had approached the space race with the Soviets, the same way JFK had inspired the country by setting a goal in 1961 of getting a man on the moon before the end of the decade. Carter’s eventual response became known as his notorious “malaise” speech, even though he never used the word “malaise.” The speech, in actuality, was one of the best of his presidency. It was a remarkable address that was extremely well received by the press and the public. The reason the speech is now considered a failure is because two days after he gave it, Carter — seeking to project strength and boldness — asked for the resignations of every one of his major Cabinet officers. Though he did have some long-standing frustrations with the performance or loyalty of most of these officials, the firings were mostly a political and public relations ploy conceived of and encouraged by Ham Jordan. The changes backfired horribly and came off as chaotic and weak. By the summer of 1979, polls showed Ted Kennedy leading Carter by 2 to 1 among likely Democratic voters, and the last of the Kennedy brothers was preparing to take the dramatic step of running against a president of his own party. “I’m going to whip his ass,” Carter told a group of Democratic congressmen at the White House. It didn’t look that way as Kennedy prepared to run against Carter. But then on Nov. 4 the world changed. Iranian radicals in Tehran seized the U.S. Embassy and took 66 Americans hostage. Along with a disastrous Kennedy interview with CBS News’ Roger Mudd, the hostage crisis turned Carter’s political fortunes around, and he was able to defeat Kennedy in the primary, though it was a long and costly battle. Carter’s presidency had been derailed time and again by the impression that he was powerless and inept, especially as inflation raged on and the hostage crisis dragged out. And yet as he faced off with Reagan in the general election, Carter’s Achilles’ heel would be his penchant for aggressive campaigning, not some perception of weakness. Jimmy Carter's own mother, Lillian, once described him as “a beautiful cat with sharp claws.” Journalist Hunter S. Thompson called Carter "one of the three meanest men I’ve ever met." The other two were boxer Muhammad Ali and Sonny Barger, leader of the Hells Angels. Carter, Thompson said, “would cut my head off to carry North Dakota. He’d cut both your legs off to carry a ward in the Bronx. ... He will eat your shoulder right off if he thinks it’s right.” After a series of comments about Reagan that implied the Republican was catering to racism in some voters, Carter was portrayed by the political press as going too far. He did a damage-control interview with Barbara Walters. Her first question pointed out to him that he had, in recent days, “been characterized as mean, vindictive, hysterical and on the point of desperation." On Oct. 22, a week before the first and only debate between Carter and Reagan, comments from Iranian leaders suggested that a resolution — and a release of the 52 remaining Americans in Tehran — could be imminent. This raised the prospect of a dramatic turnaround for Carter’s fortunes. He had been saved from the Kennedy challenge by the seizure of the hostages. Would his response to the crisis now help him win a second term? There were still tense moments in the final weekend before the election as it appeared the hostages might be released. But it was not to be. The hostages were not released, and Carter went down to a historic defeat. Reagan beat him in 44 out of 50 states and crushed him in the Electoral College 489 to 49. The 1980 election was marked by apathy. Reagan beat Carter amid the lowest turnout in a presidential election since 1948. Only 52.4% of eligible voters went to the polls. But it was a historically significant election because the coalition that Democrats had relied on for decades since FDR’s presidency — combining union members in the big cities, poor rural voters, racial minorities, Catholics and the South — had splintered for good. It was a realigning event. Carter’s total loss of support among white Baptist voters in the South demonstrated how badly his coalition from 1976 had been turned upside down. Carter finished out his term working obsessively to release the hostages. He signed a series of executive orders executing a deal with the Iranian government and spent his last weekend in office waiting for word on whether the deal would go through. He announced its completion at 4:44 a.m. on Monday, Jan. 19, the day before Reagan’s inauguration. Carter aides hoped the deal would be done so quickly he could go to meet the hostages in Germany that evening and be back in Washington on Inauguration Day to transfer power to Reagan. But it was not to be. In one final indignity, the Iranians released the hostages only after Reagan had been sworn in as the nation’s 40th president. Carter, years later, would imply that he believed Reagan had with Ayatollah Khomeini, the Iranian leader, to wait until the inauguration to free the hostages, in exchange for military equipment that Tehran needed to fight Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi troops. Gary Sick, an Iran expert who served on Carter’s National Security Council staff, published a book in 1991 titled “October Surprise,” which made the case that Reagan had colluded with the Iranians. Carter told author Douglas Brinkley in 1995 that “if you try to dig further into Gary’s ‘October Surprise’ revelations, and are successful, you may not like what you find.” After an initial period of depression and searching, Carter became a major factor in international relations in the late ’80s and ’90s. He was helped by his close friendship with fellow Georgian Ted Turner, who owned the fledgling 24-hour cable news network CNN, launched during Carter’s final year in office. Carter spent decades in a frenetic and often freelancing pursuit of global peacemaking and healing. Rosalynn was always at his side and as much a partner as ever. Though he became even more active in the Middle East peace process, he grew more radical in his support for an independent Palestinian state and his outspoken criticism of Israel. He was a regular presence in Latin America, convened arms control experts at his Carter Center in Atlanta and launched efforts to eradicate disease in Africa. In 1986, he set a goal of eradicating the painful Guinea worm disease from the Earth. Also called dracunculiasis, it afflicted roughly 3.5 million people at that time, most of them in central Africa, and the United Nations estimated that 100 million people were at risk of the disease. In 2015, there were only 22 cases in Africa. On his last Sunday as president, Carter — a defeated politician — taught Sunday school at First Baptist Church in Washington, D.C., and talked about Jesus’s remark that “it is the one who is least among you all who is the greatest.” Carter said, “Is greatness being a president? An emperor?” No, he said. “The foundation of greatness is service to others.” By that definition, the always ambitious Carter achieved greatness in his post-presidency. He was not a central player in the biggest story of the late ’80s and early ’90s: the fall of communist governments in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. But he did enter the public eye as a key figure in some internationally known conflicts during that time. He stood up to Panamanian strongman Manuel Noriega in 1989. After observing elections there, Carter compiled evidence that Noriega had stolen the election, and he vigorously denounced the Panamanian ruler during a 45-minute press conference in Panama City. In 1994, Carter was again an influential force. He helped prevent a U.S. invasion of Haiti through last-minute negotiations, headed off a conflict with North Korea and helped secure a four-month ceasefire in the bloody Balkan conflict between Serbs, Croats and Bosnians. But in the latter two cases, Carter alienated himself from the first Democratic president to take office since he had left it, Bill Clinton. Carter’s freelancing on CNN — announcing details of a deal without consulting Clinton — limited the president’s choices and was viewed as deeply disloyal. It was similar to the way he had ruined a healthy relationship with President George H.W. Bush’s administration by publicly and privately seeking to undermine the administration’s coalition building as it prepared to send troops to Kuwait in 1991 to throw Iraqi invaders out. Carter’s lone attempt at urban renewal, labeled the Atlanta Project and launched in 1991, achieved subpar results in helping reduce poverty. But he led a robust and energetic life even into his 90s. In addition to his relentless book writing, he won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. In August 2015 he underwent surgery for brain cancer. Miraculously, he was declared cancer-free three months later. He continued to teach Sunday school in Plains on a regular basis. Carter was often criticized and belittled by the right. But many of his once unpopular stands looked better over time. He spoke out against the invasion of Iraq when doing so was unpopular. He spoke out against the war on drugs in 2011 before it was really all that fashionable to do so. He saw the importance of housing in fighting poverty. He helped make Habitat for Humanity, a community service organization, a globally known charity and continued to build houses with the group into his 90s. Carter's presidency was beleaguered by external challenges and his own weaknesses. He was hindered by his tendency to judge others by the same incredibly high standards he set for himself. He felt it was beneath him to trade favors with lawmakers or cajole them into supporting his ideas. He preferred to persuade them through pure reason. This obtuseness about how politics actually worked undermined him. But he was an extraordinary individual who came from the dirt of a southwest Georgia farm during the Great Depression and accomplished more in a life than most would ever dare or dream, ending his life as one of the greatest humanitarians of our time.