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lodibet 291 casino online games Abbotsford gourmet hotdog vendor Skully White has announced he is no longer seeking the nomination for the federal Conservative Party in Abbotsford-South Langley. White, the owner of Lullys Food Experience, announced the decision in a social media post on Thursday (Dec. 5), saying he is stepping back to devote more time to his family. White married his wife Kelly, a single mom, in September 2023. “I love this community and always will, but anyone who knows me knows that family comes first,” White wrote in the post. “Our youngest child, who has autism and IDD (intellectual and developmental disabilities), is having a difficult time transitioning through adolescence into manhood. “My wife is a rock star, having dealt with this by herself for 18 years, and my heart is telling me I need to be close to home to be her support and to help her navigate this next chapter.” White, 55, announced in May of this year that he was seeking the nomination, joining four others vying for a chance to run in the 2025 federal election. The Abbotsford-South Langley riding will replace the Abbotsford riding, which is currently held by Conservative MP Ed Fast, who in March announced he will retire from federal politics after 18 years. Still seeking the nomination are former longtime Abbotsford West MLA Mike de Jong; Fast’s executive assistant, Mike Murray; Steve Schafer, the vice-president of the Langley-Aldergrove Constituency Association; and Shanjeelin Dwivedi, who has served as a director of parliamentary affairs with two MPs as well as a senior adviser and campaign volunteer. A date for the nomination vote has not been announced. White has been a relentless advocate for finding living donors for people in need of transplants after he experienced the life-changing difference it makes in someone’s life. In late 2020, White donated one of his kidneys to customer Tim Hiscock. He stated in his social media post that he will continue with this endeavour. White said that recently seven new people in need of a new kidney signed up, bringing the total in the community to almost 30. “After much soul searching, I recognize how important helping save lives through the kidney campaign means to me and I want to devote my time to helping this cause,” he said. White said he might re-enter the political ring in the future, “as the notion of helping our community on a larger scale” calls to him.Rivian ranked last for reliability in Consumer Reports survey, while EVs improve overall

Leonardo DRS executive sells $784,810 in stockElon Musk spent over a quarter of a billion dollars to help Donald Trump win November's presidential election, according to new filings, underscoring the influence one of the world's wealthiest people had on this year's White House race. The billionaire owner of electric car maker Tesla and SpaceX gave $259 million to groups supporting Trump's 2024 campaign, according to new Federal Election Commission filings released late on Thursday. The huge donations made Musk one of the biggest underwriters of a presidential campaign in U.S. history, helping him to become a powerful political ally of Trump and someone who now plays a key role in shaping the incoming Republican administration's policy agenda. Musk gave $239 million to America PAC, a super PAC he founded to help turn out voters for Trump. In late October Musk gave an additional $20 million to RBG PAC, a group that sought to convince voters that Trump would not sign into a law a national abortion ban, according to the FEC filings. The group's name refers to the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a liberal icon known for her support of abortion rights. Musk, who also owns the social media platform X, has emerged as a close advisor in Trump's transition team. Trump has chosen him, along with former Republican presidential candidate and entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, to head a task force aimed at slashing government spending and regulations. Musk and Ramaswamy met on Capitol Hill on Thursday with lawmakers whose support they will need to win the sweeping spending cuts Trump has asked them to find. The two men have called for firing thousands of federal workers, slashing regulations and eliminating programs whose authorization has expired, such as veterans' healthcare. Musk has also been a regular fixture and Trump confidante at the president-elect's Mar-a-Lago Florida estate during the transition. (Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.) Track Latest News Live on NDTV.com and get news updates from India and around the world

Bieber re-signs with GuardiansShares of (VIL) surged 7 per cent in Monday's trade as the telecom giant received a letter from the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) regarding the waiver of bank guarantees. The stock also gained as promoter entity Vodafone Group settled Rs 11,650 crore as part of its outstanding dues secured against its stake in the domestic telecom operator. The Vodafone Idea stock rose 7.09 per cent to hit a high of Rs 8 on BSE. That said, it soon cut gains and was later trading 2.81 per cent higher at Rs 7.68, as investors have already baked in the news in the price. "We wish to inform you that DoT vide its communication dated 27 December 2024, has dispensed with the requirement of submission of Financial Bank Guarantees for the Spectrum acquired in Spectrum Auction held in 2012, 2014, 2015, 2016 and 2021, subject to certain terms and conditions," Vodafone Idea said in a BSE filing. Before the recent reform, Vodafone Idea (VIL) was required to provide bank guarantees totaling Rs 24,800 Crore for each spectrum installment, 13 months before the installment due date for the auctions. According to Vodafone Idea, based on its understanding of the terms and conditions, no bank guarantees will be required for the 2012, 2014, 2016, and 2021 auctions out of the five auctions. However, VIL stated that there would be a one-time partial shortfall for the 2015 auction, where the Net Present Value (NPV) of all payments made would be lower than the pro-rated value of the spectrum used. The telecom operator is currently in discussions with the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) to finalize the amount of this partial shortfall for the 2015 auction. Regarding the Vodafone Group pledge, the group had secured debt against almost its entire stake in VIL. The pledge was made in favor of HSBC Corporate Trustee Company (UK), and the debt was raised by Vodafone Group's entities based in Mauritius and India. According to a filing, on 27 December 2024, HSBC Corporate Trustee Company (UK) Limited, acting as the security trustee for the lenders, released the pledges following the repayment of the outstanding dues owed by the Vodafone promoter shareholders.WHL Roundup: Joe Iginla scores hat trick, Oil Kings thump Rebels 8-2

CLEVELAND — Here's hoping Mike Tomlin didn't spend too much time working on that NFL Coach of the Year speech. The feel-good vibes that have surrounded the Steelers' season — all of those correct buttons pushed and sticky situations navigated — backfired on Tomlin on Thursday night during what has become an all-too-common theme of his tenure. A humiliating loss to an inferior team, this time in the familiar setting of Cleveland's Huntington Bank Field and by a 24-19 score to the previously 2-8 Browns. Talk about spoiling a sterling start. "They made more plays over the course of 60 minutes," Tomlin said. "Obviously, we have to own our portions of it." It's a shame you can't put them on Craigslist or something. The Browns snapped the Steelers' five-game winning streak. Pittsburgh also dropped to 0-8 all time in road Thursday night games against teams in their division. Amazingly, Tomlin's Steelers have lost five of their past six games in Cleveland. What the Steelers must own from this one was substantial, too, starting with some poor decision-making by Tomlin, who actually entered the game as the betting favorite to win his first coach of the year award. A small sampling of things that will likely rub Steelers fans the wrong way: — Seemingly getting caught in between toward the end of the first half. Tomlin called a timeout after a second-down pass but then allowed around 40 seconds to run off the clock before Cleveland called timeout and kicked a field goal. Just call the timeout, get the ball back with some time, and give your team a chance. — It's not just all Tomlin and likely involves offensive coordinator Arthur Smith, but the fade route thrown to Cordarrelle Patterson once the Steelers took the lead in the fourth quarter made zero sense. George Pickens, Pat Freiermuth, anyone? — Justin Fields randomly throwing deep to Pickens with the Steelers trying to salt away the game. — Not instructing his players to allow Browns running back Nick Chubb to score on a 7-yard run with 1:43 to go, a move that would've afforded the Steelers more than 50 seconds to answer. — Burning a timeout after a confusing sequence where Tomlin thought it was intentional grounding and deciding to hastily accept the penalty, another decision that can certainly be questioned. If you decline, it's an easier field goal. If you accept, you're obviously giving the Browns another shot. "We wanted to move them 5 yards back," Tomlin said. "They were potentially kicking into the wind, so we wanted to stop 'em and make the field goal a longer one." The decision, the same as many on this wintry night, turned out to be the wrong one, as Jameis Winston found wide receiver Jerry Jeudy 15 yards to convert on third-and-6, and Chubb scored the go-ahead touchdown with 0:57 left. "Missed opportunities," Cam Heyward said. "We have to eat it. They made more plays at the end. "I know everybody is pretty [upset] about the loss, but we have to learn from it and be better next time." It also wasn't simply about binary decisions such as these, but it's Tomlin's job to have the Steelers ready to play on the road — and against a lousy team — where the biggest conversation topic has been the potential firing of coach Kevin Stefanski and other goofy Cleveland talk. That didn't happen. It was a trap game, and the Steelers fell right into it, torpedoing their shot at the No. 1 seed in the AFC in the process. Think about it: They needed this one to keep pace with the Chiefs and Bills. Now, they're facing an uphill climb — and doing so with plenty of questions before traveling to Cincinnati in about 10 days. The pass protection was rough early on, as defensive end Myles Garrett did his part to wreck the game. As much as Steelers fans might hate the guy, he was incredible with three sacks, five total tackles and a forced fumble, a solid answer to the T.J. Watt kerfuffle this week. Cleveland finished with four sacks of Russell Wilson, who did complete 21 of 28 passes for 270 yards, a touchdown and a 116.7 rating. Still, it wasn't enough to correct some drive-sustaining issues that plagued the Steelers early. A missed Chris Boswell field goal on the first drive — albeit from a hard-to-say-much 58 yards — then turning it over on downs. It was the first of two of those for the Steelers, who lost yards both times. They have to figure out how to sustain drives better. "They made a few plays," Wilson said. "Myles made a few plays. I thought we moved the ball at different moments, but we have to stay consistent." As Wilson said, this was a game the Steelers should have won — and not only because they forced three turnovers and had the lead in the fourth quarter of a game against a woebegone opponent. Their 8-2 start should've opened the group's collective eyes to what's possible should the Steelers take care of business. That didn't happen. The Steelers started slow on offense, made too many mistakes, botched a bunch of decisions and left Cleveland in the middle of the night with another unsightly blemish suffered here. The reason starts at the top. "It's painful, but it's life in this business," Tomlin said. "We'll take a look at the tape and learn from it. We're in the midst of some thick AFC North action. No rest for the weary. We have a big one coming up." Can't get here soon enough, honestly. (c)2024 the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette Visit the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette at www.post-gazette.com Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.Balakista Appointed JNTUH In-Charge VC

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ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, roughly 22 months after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections and house the homeless as an example for others. “To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility,” Biden said in a statement. Biden spoke later Sunday evening about Carter, calling it a “sad day” but one that “brings back an incredible amount of good memories.” “I’ve been hanging out with Jimmy Carter for over 50 years,” Biden said in his remarks. He recalled the former president being a comfort to him and his wife Jill when their son Beau died in 2015 of cancer. The president remarked how cancer was a common bond between their families, with Carter himself having cancer later in his life. “Jimmy knew the ravages of the disease too well,” said Biden, who scheduled a state funeral in Washington, D.C., for Carter on Jan. 9. Biden also declared Jan. 9 as a National Day of Mourning across the nation and ordered U.S. flags to fly at half-staff for 30 days from Sunday. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Story continues below video Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Sanz is a former Associated Press reporter.The Melbourne Cricket Ground (MCG) has witnessed history, not just on the field but also in the stands. Cricket (CA) scrambled to manage an overwhelming crowd on Day 5 of the Boxing Day Test, as 51,371 fans packed the iconic venue before lunch. The total attendance of 350,700 over five days is already the highest ever for a Test match at the MCG, surpassing the previous record of 350,534 set during a six-day Ashes Test in 1937. This milestone also marks the greatest attendance for any Test played in Australia. CA did not expect such a big turnout but was caught off guard by the sheer numbers arriving to witness the thrilling climax of the Test. With limited eateries open at the venue, officials prioritised ice-cream shipments and rushed to stock up on food and beverages to meet demand. Despite the logistical challenges, the electrifying atmosphere was evident, with Indian supporters forming the majority of the crowd. “This level of support has been truly remarkable,” said Joel Morrisson, CA’s Executive General Manager of Events and Operations. “We’ve been blown away by the support of fans across the Boxing Day Test.” The decision to keep Day 5 ticket prices affordable—$10 (AUD) for adults and free for kids aged 15 and under—fueled the turnout, even on a working day in Melbourne. Fans from across the city and suburbs turned up in droves, eager to witness the conclusion of a fiercely contested match. Beyond the record-breaking numbers, the proceeds from Day 5 ticket sales hold a deeper significance. All funds will be directed toward cricket pathways for volunteers, players with disabilities, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander participants, reinforcing the game’s commitment to inclusivity and community impact. The Boxing Day Test will go down in history not only for but also for the incredible fan support, proving once again why Melbourne is regarded as the sporting capital of Australia.Several of Trump's Cabinet picks — and Trump himself — have been accused of sexual misconductGM Falls Despite Robotaxi U-Turn. A Self-Driving Car Rival Soars.

SHENZHEN, China , Dec. 3, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- On November 26, 2024 , Access Advance LLC ("AA") and TCL Electronics Holdings Limited ("TCL" or "Client") announced that TCL had officially joined the HEVC Advance Patent Pool as a licensee. PurpleVine IP Group ("PurpleVine") played a pivotal role in this achievement, providing full-spectrum services, including strategic planning, global litigation management, and licensing negotiation support. PurpleVine's efforts were instrumental in helping TCL finalize agreements with AA and multiple HEVC Advance licensors, resolving years of complex global litigation over HEVC standard-essential patents("SEPs"). Since 2021, leading HEVC Advance licensors - including Dolby, GEVC, Philips, Mitsubishi Electric, JVCKENWOOD, NEC, ETRI, and IP Bridge - have filed dozens of infringement lawsuits and sought injunctions against TCL across jurisdictions such as Germany , the Unified Patent Court (UPC) in Europe , and Brazil . PurpleVine provided TCL with a comprehensive defense strategy tailored to each jurisdiction. Working closely with local counsel, the PurpleVine team devised FRAND-compliant arguments, non-infringement defenses, and patent invalidation strategies that not only neutralized injunction threats but also achieved an outstanding success rate of over 90% in invalidating asserted patents during first-instance rulings. PurpleVine also spearheaded counteractions against AA and HEVC Advance licensors in multiple jurisdictions, including China , Brazil , and Germany . Notably, PurpleVine assisted TCL in filing two landmark cases in Chinese courts - one challenging SEP licensing rates and another alleging abuse of market dominance. These cases were the first in the world where courts asserted jurisdiction over SEP pool licensing rates and alleged monopolistic practices, setting a groundbreaking legal precedent. Daniel Fu , General Counsel of TCL, stated, "We are pleased to have signed a license with Access Advance's HEVC patent pool, with the help of PurpleVine IP. The transaction is beneficial to the licensing ecosystem and the development of cutting-edge technologies for the welfare of consumers." This multi-jurisdictional case, involving complex legal challenges, spanning several years, highlights PurpleVine's expertise in managing high-stakes IP disputes. PurpleVine's strategic leadership, effective litigation management, and skilled negotiations reaffirm its position as a leading provider of cross-border intellectual property services. Disclaimer: This press release is for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice or an official statement regarding litigation. About PurpleVine IP Group PurpleVine IP Group, based in Shenzhen, China , is a leading intellectual property service provider with a global perspective. The firm offers one-stop IP services, including patent and trademark prosecution, analysis, global transactions, licensing negotiations, and dispute resolution. The core members of PurpleVine's litigation and dispute resolution team have backgrounds in top international law firms and leading corporate legal departments. They have managed patent litigation and invalidation cases in over 50 courts worldwide. The firm also includes SEP (Standard Essential Patent) experts from the telecommunications industry, who have been involved in hundreds of patent licensing negotiations and litigations. View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/purplevine-drives-tcls-successful-entry-into-the-hevc-advance-patent-pool-302320761.html SOURCE PurpleVine IPEddy Cue, Apple’s senior vice president of services, explained why the company has no plans to venture into the search engine market. Cue shared that developing a search engine would require a massive investment of "billions of dollars" and would take "many years." Building a search engine would be "economically risky" for Apple, Have you ever wondered why Apple doesn’t have its own search engine like Google? While Google dominates the search space, Apple has stayed focused on its core products and services. In a recently filed declaration, Eddy Cue, Apple’s senior vice president of services, explained why the company has no plans to venture into the search engine market. According to Cue, there are several key reasons behind this decision. Cue shared that developing a search engine would require a massive investment of “billions of dollars” and would take “many years.” This would divert resources and employees from other growth areas that Apple is currently focused on. Also read: Can parents trust Apple’s App Store? New study raises red flags The search engine industry, Cue explained, is “rapidly evolving,” especially with the rise of artificial intelligence. Because of this, building a search engine would be “economically risky” for Apple, reports MacRumors. Also, in order to make a search engine viable, Apple would have to “sell targeted advertising,” which goes against its “longstanding privacy commitments.” Cue also pointed out that Apple lacks the “specialised professionals” and “operational infrastructure” necessary to build and run a successful search engine. Also read: Tim Cook says Apple doesn’t plan to charge for AI features, here’s why This declaration comes amid an ongoing antitrust trial against Google, where the court recently ruled that the deal between Apple and Google, which makes Google the default search engine on Apple’s Safari browser, is illegal. Despite this, Cue asked the court to allow Apple to defend the agreement, stating that “only Apple can speak to what kinds of future collaborations can best serve its users.” As part of the deal, Cue revealed that Google paid Apple approximately $20 billion in 2022. If the deal were to end, Cue warned that it could “hamstring Apple’s ability to continue delivering products that best serve its users’ needs.” Tech news writer by day, BGMI player by night. Combining my passion for tech and gaming to bring you the latest in both worlds. View Full Profile

University of Idaho students travel across the campus during a change in classes. (Courtesy of University of Idaho) Originally posted on IdahoEdNews.org on December 11, 2024 Soon after the State Board of Education began talking about restricting diversity, equity and inclusion programs on campuses, Nick Koenig and other University of Idaho students began fanning out. They started collecting student testimonials about the U of I’s Office of Equity and Diversity — and its programs for women, Black and Latino students and LGBTQ students. “I had sexual trauma resurface causing me to have a panic attack,” wrote one student. “Going to the women’s center, the staff supported me and lent me a shoulder to cry on.” “These offices were the one place I could be my authentic self. No need to ‘fix’ the way I spoke or to ‘hide’ my accent,” wrote a second student. “If it were not for the Office of Multicultural Affairs and the Black/African American Cultural Center, I don’t know if I would have graduated, let alone be pursuing a master’s degree.” The testimonials aligned with Koenig’s own experience. A doctoral student who teaches climate science and sociology, Koenig moved from Kentucky to Moscow in 2022, after a Zoom call with the former head of the U of I’s LGBTQA office. “It was absolutely the reason I came,” Koenig said last week. “My story is just one of the numerous stories of these kinds of support services and how they operate day to day.” Koenig has forwarded the 66 student testimonials to the State Board — and to a legislative task force scrutinizing DEI programs. But the State Board is likely to vote next Wednesday on a resolution to limit DEI on campus. And while the U of I says it is waiting to see what the State Board does, Boise State University and Idaho State University have already reined in their own DEI initiatives. By design, or by coincidence, the two universities are backing away from a showdown with the State Board and the Legislature. The heart of the DEI resolution reads as follows: “Institutions shall ensure that no central office, policy, procedure, or initiative is dedicated to diversity, equity and inclusion.” The State Board would carve out a series of exceptions — covering federal research grants, accreditation or NCAA rules, among other items. Exceptions aside, the State Board resolution would shut down campus centers that have a DEI component. “Institutions shall ensure that all student success centers are dedicated to all students ... regardless of personal identity characteristics.” The proposal has Gov. Brad Little’s blessing. “Little has long supported the idea that all Idahoans be given the same opportunities to succeed,” spokeswoman Joan Varsek said this week. And while the State Board is taking online comments from students through Friday , that doesn’t change the fact that its resolution has political momentum behind it. If the State Board votes next week, at its last scheduled meeting of the year, the board’s resolution could get out ahead of the Legislature. The Legislature’s DEI task force hasn’t offered any specific proposals yet, and it won’t meet again until the week of Jan. 6, the opening week of the 2025 session. Meanwhile, Boise State and Idaho State have moved first. Months before the Legislature’s task force began its work — and months before the State Board unveiled its DEI resolution — Boise State administrators began talking about closing its Gender Equity Center and its Student Equity Center. It’s unclear exactly when Boise State decided to close the centers. But in a Sept. 24 memo to legislative staff, the university’s government affairs team said the closure was a done deal. (The Legislature’s DEI task force held its first meeting on Oct. 23.) “We’ve been aware of the conversations happening at the state board level and the legislative level,” Jeremiah Shinn, Boise State’s vice president for student affairs and enrollment management, said in an interview Tuesday. “We wanted to be as proactive as we can.” The two equity centers — with nine staffers and a combined budget of about $700,000 — closed on Nov. 29. The money will stay in student support programs, but some of the employees are leaving Boise State. “It won’t be the same staff to a person,” Shinn said. The centerpiece in Boise State’s shift is pretty much what the State Board has in mind: a one-stop shop, the newly opened Student Connections and Success Center. In their Sept. 24 memo to legislative staff, Boise State said it would gear the new center toward a variety of demographic groups that struggle to stay in school: first-generation students, rural students, low-income students eligible for federal Pell grants, Hispanic students, and male students. It’s going to look different, but Shinn says he believes Boise State will be able to serve the different needs of all student groups under one roof. “This is new territory for us and certainly we’ll learn a lot in the coming weeks and semesters,” he said. On Nov. 14 — one week before the State Board’s first hearing on the DEI resolution — Idaho State President Robert Wagner announced said his university would close its Diversity Resource Center and its Gender Resource Center. Both had operated on campus for 20 years or longer, and had a combined budget of close to $150,000. The centers’ programs will move into Idaho State’s own one-stop shop, dubbed the Bengal Student Success Center. Wagner is promising what he calls “a hub for academic growth.” But compliance is at least part of the equation. “This shift allows us to consolidate efforts and provide more streamlined, impactful support for all students while adhering to state guidelines,” Wagner said in a memo to students and staff . For the time being, the U of I’s Office of Equity and Diversity is still intact. That also goes for the programs under its bailiwick: the College Assistance Migrant Program , the Black/African American Cultural Center , the LGBTQA Office , the Office of Multicultural Affairs and the Women’s Center . The office has close to 11 full-time staffers and an annual budget exceeding $1.3 million. The Legislature has banned all colleges and universities from using taxpayer funding for DEI programs, so almost all of this $1.3 million comes from student fees. That status quo is certain to change if the State Board resolution passes. The U of I has a “rough idea” of how it would put all of its student support programs under one umbrella, spokeswoman Jodi Walker said Tuesday. But the U of I wants to wait to see what comes from the State Board, to avoid the upheaval that could come from closing and reopening student centers. “We want to align,” she said. “We don’t have to do this twice.” But at the same time, the U of I has been trying to assure the university community that the student programs will not go away. “Maybe we are going to serve them and support them in ways that look different than what we’ve done in the past, maybe it’s from a different office, maybe it’s from different units, but still trying to meet the needs of students and employees as well,” Provost Torrey Lawrence said at a recent Faculty Senate meeting, according to the Lewiston Tribune . Koenig expects the U of I to give in eventually, in order to appease a Legislature that has cut past higher education budgets over DEI. “It sucks that it’s always the most marginalized that are thrown out first ... to save the bottom line,” Koenig said. And that might affect Koenig’s future. Koenig, who uses the pronouns they and them, studies tree rings to gauge climate change. Koenig loves Idaho and its limitless forests. But depending on what happens next legislative session, Koenig said they might leave the state. At this point, the defense of DEI isn’t coming from university leaders — who say they are committed to supporting students of all backgrounds, but who also have to work with the State Board and the Legislature. Instead, that support is bubbling up from the grass roots level. In the days leading up to their most recent meeting on Dec. 2, members of the legislative task force received a flurry of more than three dozen emails from Idahoans, urging the lawmakers to leave DEI programs alone. The emails — obtained by Idaho Education News, through a public records request — came from current and former U of I students, retired educators and a woman who called herself “a concerned grandmother” of a U of I student. “There are certain programs that benefit my granddaughter, such as the Women’s Center,” she wrote. “These are safe places of support and community.” The 66 U of I testimonials — collected by Koenig and fellow students — represent a sliver of an enrollment of nearly 12,300. But one pattern emerged from this small sample. If the U of I’s DEI programs go away, three-fourths of the respondents said they would reconsider attending the U of I or supporting their university. “I definitely wouldn’t want to support a university that doesn’t care for its students and isn’t willing to fight for them,” said one student. “If the university isn’t willing to protect academia then what is it willing to do at all? Why even exist as an institution?” Kevin Richert writes a weekly analysis on education policy and education politics. Look for his stories each Thursday. Due to the timeliness of the topic, this week’s analysis was published on Wednesday, Dec. 11. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX

Four members of Congress unveiled a bipartisan bill Friday that would spark changes at the U.S. Center for SafeSport, placing a time limit on resolving cases that can sometimes take years and improving communication between the center and abuse survivors. The Safer Sports for Athletes Act looks to address some of the bigger concerns that have opened the center to criticism since it was established in 2017 to handle sex-abuse cases in Olympic sports and their grassroots cousins. Recommended Videos The bill would quadruple an existing grant to the center to $10 million a year. But that wouldn't solve all the problems. As before, that grant can only be used for training and education , not investigations and enforcement, which are the focus of complaints about the center. The center operates on a budget of around $21 million a year, most of which comes from the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee and its sports affiliates, known as national governing bodies, or NGBs. CEO Ju'Riese Colon said the center currently receives about 155 reports a week, which comes to more than 8,000 a year. “We’re hoping the combination of appropriations for other activities will free up money for investigations, as well as the streamlining,” said Rep. Deborah Ross, D-North Carolina. The other bill sponsors were Reps. Dave Joyce, R-Ohio; Don Bacon, R-Nebraska; and Kathy Castor, D-Florida. The center's critics are skeptical about giving more resources to an agency they feel is missing the mark. Colon said even if the center receives the additional money in the form of the grant, tamping down problems addressed in the legislation won't be as simple as shifting funds around. “We have a lot of questions,” she said. “Because some it, we just don't know how it works, practically.” The law would mandate that investigations be concluded within 180 days after a report is made, with possibilities to extend them. Some of the most egregious complaints about the center have come from people who say it has taken years for their cases to be resolved. “Too many other survivors have also been left waiting for years for SafeSport to investigate or have their cases closed without action,” said soccer player Mana Shim, who helped lawmakers draft the bill. Shim's own case, involving sexual harassment and coercion by her coach, took more than two years for the center to resolve and led to investigations and reforms across American soccer. Other reforms include a requirement for the center to provide victim advocates at no cost for those needing them — a move already underway as part of a menu of changes the center announced earlier this year — and to assign case managers who can give timely updates to victims and the accused. “I have questions around, if the center were to hire and staff the advocates, there might be some conflict of interest with us doing this internally," Colon said. The lawmakers positioned the bill as one that will help the Denver-based center, while making clear they are not satisfied with the results so far. “We're going to make sure the center has the resources it needs to effectively respond to thousands of reports it handles annually,” Castor said. “It has unfortunately fallen short." Ross conceded this bill will probably get pushed to the next Congress, which convenes Jan. 3, “but we needed to set the stage as soon as possible.” ___ AP Summer Olympics: https://apnews.com/hub/2024-paris-olympic-gamesTaiwanese Companies Lead Innovation in AI-Powered Smart Wearables