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fruit roulette poppo RIYADH: From heritage to long-standing traditions, the deep connections between Iraq and Saudi Arabia span thousands of years to the pre-Islamic era. The second Common Ground festival, an initiative by Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Culture, is an immersion in the bonds of the two nations through art, cuisine and performance. Alataf Ebrahim, the head of the festival department at the Iraqi Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Antiquities, told Arab News: “Baghdad and all the Iraqi governorates are passionate about embracing Saudi culture. While the event is called Common Ground, with pride, we say that we are all one culture, one society and one message. “This is a big and very important event, and the project is bold for planning and drawing joint cultural events now, and in the future. As the Ministry of Culture, this venture has been initiated for two years and we plan on having Saudi cultural nights in Baghdad as well as in 2025.” One of the main festival attractions is Al-Mutanabbi Street, which is recreated based on the historical road in Baghdad along with its iconic main gate. The renowned hub for intellectual life hosts various bookstores, clothing stores, live painting and oud performances, and panel discussions around various cultural crossovers. In the heart of the bookshop district is one of Baghdad’s oldest coffee shops, Shabandar cafe, which opened its doors over a century ago and has since become a landmark in the city. The establishment has born witness to the twists and tragedies of Iraq’s tumultuous history. “Shabandar cafe is an open corner for poets and intellectuals, and visitors as well, as they read about the latest cultural news through physical newspapers that are always on each table. This area is where the most prominent cultural activities in the capital (take place),” Ebrahim explained. Al-Mutanabbi’s poems are also honored through 10, 3-meter-high scrolls. The works are written in a font that has the characteristics of the 4th century in the style of Ibn Al-Bawwab, the famous calligrapher who was born about a year after Al-Mutanabbi’s death. “We’re presenting a mini cultural week that encompasses many experiences, not just books and literature, but also extends to musical performances; and an absorption between the two cultures and deepening that relationship,” he added. Visitors can also indulge in local delicacies from both countries while enjoying the live folk music and dance performances that take place twice daily on the main stage. The festival’s concert series featured an iconic performance by Iraqi singer Kadim Alsahir on the opening day, and a joint oud performance by Saudi singer and songwriter Abadi Al-Johar and Iraqi artist Naseer Shamma on Dec. 21. The last show of the series will be on Dec. 25, featuring Aseel Hameem and Nawaf Al-Jabarti. Over 100 artworks are on display at the “Beneath the Gaze of the Palms” exhibition, which examines questions of identity and heritage in Iraq and Saudi Arabia. The showcase includes Islamic, Mesopotamian and contemporary art. At the entrance of the exhibition is a large structure known as the Mudhif, which is a traditional reed house, particularly in the Al-Ahwar region of southern Iraq. It is a type of communal guesthouse or gathering space that plays a central role in the social and hospitality traditions of the region. A large part of the exhibition highlights Darb Zubaida, one of the historical pilgrimage routes from the city of Kufa to Makkah that not only facilitated the movement of people, goods, and ideas but also played a crucial role in the cultural and religious life of the Islamic world. “This road became a place for exchanging ideas with our communities in the Kingdom. Saudi poetry and handicrafts were transferred to Iraq while Iraqi literary and cultural heritage was transferred to Saudi Arabia. “This is an important aspect of the exhibition, alongside the many artworks that spotlight the traditional, modern, and contemporary art and the traditional tales that are embodied by the contributions of the participating artists.” The festival also features an exhibition dedicated to the history of traditional clothing, musical instruments, songs, and significant cultural figures of Saudi Arabia and Iraq. The festival, which runs until Dec. 31, is being held at Mega Studio in Riyadh’s Boulevard City.

Looming government shutdown could impact estimated record-breaking holiday travel seasonJimmy Carter’s public service heralded by Southern California lawmakers on either side of the aisleGermany to tighten criminal law as people-smuggling ‘action plan’ agreed with UK

Dallas Cowboys owner Jerry Jones possibly dropped a clue about head coach Mike McCarthy's future. After a 3-7 start, the Cowboys have won four of their last five games. During a Tuesday interview with KRLD-FM in Dallas, Jones credited McCarthy for the team's improvement. "I can't tell you how proud I am of the way the coaching staff, led by Mike McCarthy , the way that the leadership on this team, and really proud of these young players," Jones said (h/t The Athletic's Jon Machota). "They just are growing mentally and physically by leaps and bounds, makes me think we've got an outstanding future ahead of us." Cowboys owner Jerry Jones on @1053thefan : "I can't tell you how proud I am of the way the coaching staff, led by Mike McCarthy, the way that the leadership on this team, and really proud of these young players. They just are growing mentally and physically by leaps and bounds,... Jones complimenting McCarthy — who is in the last year of his contract — could signal he's considering re-signing the HC. On Monday, The Athletic's Dianna Russini noted McCarthy's stock is trending up after the Cowboys beat the Tampa Bay Buccaneers 26-24 in Week 16, even though they were already eliminated from the playoffs. She wrote, "Many around the league believe McCarthy is going to get a new contract from Jerry Jones." In five seasons with Dallas, McCarthy is 1-3 in the playoffs and hasn't made an NFC Championship Game. The upcoming coaching carousel could include better options, such as Detroit Lions offensive coordinator Ben Johnson and former Tennessee Titans HC Mike Vrabel. However, they may not be willing to work with an overbearing owner like Jones. Plus, McCarthy's circumstances in 2024 haven't been ideal. Starting quarterback Dak Prescott suffered a season-ending hamstring injury in Week 9 against the Atlanta Falcons. Backup QB Cooper Rush has replaced him, going 4-3 in seven starts. In Weeks 17 and 18, the Cowboys face the Philadelphia Eagles (12-3) on the road and the Washington Commanders (10-5) at home, respectively. Both matchups will be pivotal for McCarthy. If the Cowboys win both games, they will have a winning record for the fourth straight season. This could help prove the HC deserves another chance in Dallas.

PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —-

NoneHIGH SCHOOL SWIM & DIVE: For states-bound Saratoga, B-Spa teams, pressure doesn’t make perfect

AI is a journey If you worry that your organization is falling behind in its artificial intelligence initiatives, don’t feel so bad — just about everyone is still in the learning and piloting stages. And if it’s unclear whether there will be return on investment at the end of all this work, there is financial advantage as well, research out of MIT finds. There are at least four logical stages in AI advancement, and most enterprises are still working through the experimental and pilot stages, an analysis of 721 companies by the MIT Center for Information System Research (CISR) concludes. As AI proceeds, there is now evidence that overall financial performance advances as well. Most enterprises in the survey were in the first two stages of AI maturity and had financial performance below the industry average, according to the report’s authors, led by Peter Weill and Stephanie Woerner, both with MIT. Enterprises in stages three and four, on the other hand, had financial performance well above industry average — exceeding 10 percentage points. Weill and Woerner identified and measured the following four stages of AI progress: Stage 1: Experiment and prepare (28% of organizations). “In this stage enterprises focus on educating their workforce, formulating AI policies, becoming more evidence-based, and experimenting with AI technologies to grow more comfortable with automated decision-making,” the researchers explained. Company leaders start taking a look at how to address concerns such as ethics and skills to ensure a smooth path forward. Companies in Stage 1 averaged 9.6 percentage points below the industry average, the study found. Stage 2: Build pilots and capabilities (34%). At this stage of AI, proponents “define important metrics, begin to simplify and automate business processes, and develop the enterprise capabilities they’ve learned.” At this stage, use cases are piloted, with work on leveraging enterprise data and developing APIs. Work with large language models also commences at this stage. Google’s Gmail Upgrade—Why You Need A New Email Address In 2025 Urgent New Gmail Security Warning For Billions As Attacks Continue FinCEN Extends Beneficial Ownership Information (BOI) Reporting Deadline Companies in Stage 2 averaged 2.2 percentage points below the industry average. Stage 3: Develop AI-driven ways of working (31%). At this stage, AI essentially becomes industrialized, meaning it is available and replicable across the enterprise. This includes work on building a core platform for AI, ensuring transparency to decision-makers via dashboards, and ultimately transforming the organizational culture to encourages data-driven and innovative thinking. Foundation models and small language models are introduced and applied to enterprise opportunities. Companies in Stage 3 averaged 8.7 percentage points above the industry average. Stage 4: Become AI future ready (7%). At this achievement stage, “AI is embedded in all decision-making throughout the enterprise,” the researchers state. “They leverage proprietary AI internally, and many sell new business services based on this capability, the AI capability as a service, or both to other enterprises.” Companies in Stage 4 averaged 10.4 percentage points above the industry average. Successfully moving through these stages of AI growth requires a cross-enterprise collaborative effort, as the technology can recast and accelerate many parts of the enterprise. Weill and Woerner cite examples of well-known companies at various phases of their AI journeys, such as Kaiser Permanente in the process of identifying AI values and ethics, to DBS Bank committing to conducting one thousand AI experiments per year, which has led to 350 AI use cases. And here’s the clincher — DBS expects the economic impact of these to exceed $1 billion in 2025, they report. One thing is clear; AI success is a journey, and the ability to rapidly leverage and adapt resources and technology is key — as new technologies and capabilities keep arising almost every day.

By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.JD Vance is leaving the Senate for the vice presidency. That's set off a scramble for his Ohio seatGuwahati: The Union Minister of Ports, Shipping & Waterways, Sarbananda Sonowal today credited the tremendous performance by BJP led NDA in both Maharashtra & Assam as a result of PM Narendra Modi ’s brand of good governance . Assembly Election Results Live Updates Maharashtra Election Results Jharkhand Election Results Bypoll Election Results Sonowal said, “Under the dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the transformative policies have won the hearts of the people across the country. The results of today’s elections in Maharashtra and Assam are a clear reflection of the people’s trust and confidence in the leadership of Modi ji and the NDA government. His people-centric policies have brought about unprecedented change in the lives of all citizens.” Sonowal also expressed gratitude to the people for their overwhelming support in the constituencies of Bihali, Chamguri, Dholai, Bongaigaon, and Sidli, where NDA candidates— Diganta Ghatowal, Diplu Ranjan Sharma, Nihar Ranjan Das, Deeptimoyee Chowdhury, and Nirmal Kumar Brahma — secured victory. The senior BJP leader Sarbananda Sonowal extended his heartfelt congratulations to the winning candidates and thanked the voters for their trust in the BJP. Sonowal emphasized that the newly elected candidates would swiftly continue the development agenda in their respective constituencies and work towards winning the hearts of the people. Sonowal concluded by extending his best wishes to all the elected representatives for their future endeavours. Sonowal acknowledged the contributions of key party leaders and the hard working party cadre who played significant roles in the election campaign for their efforts. 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Sonowal congratulated & wished best to the newly elected MLAs. Senior leader Sarbananda Sonowal said, “Wherever there are lotuses, there is happiness, peace, and prosperity. The past 10 years have been a golden era for our country. Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi assumed office in 2014, a new wave of development has begun in India. Under his visionary leadership, India has entered a new era of governance, equality, and harmony, where all citizens have witnessed equal dignity and progress. During the tenure of the BJP-led government, farmers, youth, women, and marginalised communities have all had their hopes and aspirations fulfilled.” Sonowal contrasted this with the Congress party’s 60-year rule, which he claimed had left India weak on the world stage and had failed to uphold democracy, imposing a state of emergency on the people. Sonowal praised Prime Minister Modi for steering the nation toward comprehensive development and the creation of a new era of governance that has ushered in peace and prosperity for the Northeast region. “The BJP government has brought about rapid infrastructural development in the Northeast & Assam, reducing travel time between states and opening up new opportunities for growth. This progress is a direct result of the strong leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his genuine care and affection for the people of the Northeast,” Sonowal said. Sonowal concluded, “The Northeast, once neglected under Congress rule, has now become a pillar of India’s self-reliance and development. Under Modi’s leadership, our goal is to transform India into a self-sufficient and developed nation by 2047. Already, India has become the fifth-largest economy in the world, and in the coming years, we will work together to make India the third-largest economy.” Sarbananda Sonowal reaffirmed that the people’s confidence in the BJP and the NDA remains steadfast, ensuring continued support for Prime Minister Modi’s leadership and the party’s vision for a prosperous India. Assembly Election Results Live Updates Maharashtra Poll Results Highlights 2024 Jharkhand Poll Results Highlights 2024 (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel )