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Amazon Kindle Paperwhite Signature Edition 2024 review: faster, brighter, and still the best KindleIt’s a daunting reality for Democrats: Republican Donald Trump's support has grown broadly since he last sought the presidency. In his defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris , Trump won a bigger percentage of the vote in each one of the 50 states, and Washington, D.C., than he did four years ago. He won more actual votes than in 2020 in 40 states, according to an Associated Press analysis. Certainly, Harris’ more than 7 million vote decline from President Joe Biden’s 2020 total was a factor in her loss, especially in swing-state metropolitan areas that have been the party’s winning electoral strongholds. But, despite national turnout that was lower than in the high-enthusiasm 2020 election, Trump received 2.5 million more votes than he did four years ago. He swept the seven most competitive states to win a convincing Electoral College victory, becoming the first Republican nominee in 20 years to win a majority of the popular vote. Trump cut into places where Harris needed to overperform to win a close election. Now Democrats are weighing how to regain traction ahead of the midterm elections in two years, when control of Congress will again be up for grabs and dozens of governors elected. There were some notable pieces to how Trump's victory came together: Though Trump improved across the map, his gains were particularly noteworthy in urban counties home to the cities of Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia, electoral engines that stalled for Harris in industrial swing states Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Harris fell more than 50,000 votes — and 5 percentage points — short of Biden's total in Wayne County, Michigan, which makes up the lion's share of the Detroit metro area. She was almost 36,000 votes off Biden's mark in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and about 1,000 short in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. It wasn't only Harris' shortfall that helped Trump carry the states, a trio that Democrats had collectively carried in six of the seven previous elections before Nov. 5. Trump added to his 2020 totals in all three metro counties, netting more than 24,000 votes in Wayne County, more than 11,000 in Philadelphia County and almost 4,000 in Milwaukee County. It’s not yet possible to determine whether Harris fell short of Biden’s performance because Biden voters stayed home or switched their vote to Trump — or how some combination of the two produced the rightward drift evident in each of these states. Harris advertised heavily and campaigned regularly in each, and made Milwaukee County her first stop as a candidate with a rally in July. These swings alone were not the difference in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, but her weaker performance than Biden across the three metros helped Trump, who held on to big 2020 margins in the three states' broad rural areas and improved or held steady in populous suburbs. Trump's team and outside groups supporting him knew from their data that he was making inroads with Black voters, particularly Black men younger than 50, more concentrated in these urban areas that have been key to Democratic victories. When James Blair, Trump's political director, saw results coming in from Philadelphia on election night, he knew Trump had cut into the more predominantly Black precincts, a gain that would echo in Wayne and Milwaukee counties. “The data made clear there was an opportunity there,” Blair said. AP VoteCast, a nationwide survey of more than 120,000 voters, found Trump won a larger share of Black and Latino voters than he did in 2020, and most notably among men under age 45. Democrats won Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin but lost in Pennsylvania. In 2026, they will be defending governorships in all three states and a Senate seat in Michigan. Despite the burst of enthusiasm Harris' candidacy created among the Democratic base when she entered the race in July, she ended up receiving fewer votes than Biden in three of the seven states where she campaigned almost exclusively. In Arizona, she received about 90,000 fewer votes than Biden. She received about 67,000 fewer in Michigan and 39,000 fewer in Pennsylvania. In four others — Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin — Harris won more votes than Biden did. But Trump's support grew by more — in some states, significantly more. That dynamic is glaring in Georgia, where Harris received almost 73,000 more votes than Biden did when he very narrowly carried the state. But Trump added more than 200,000 to his 2020 total, en route to winning Georgia by roughly 2 percentage points. In Wisconsin, Trump's team reacted to slippage it saw in GOP-leaning counties in suburban Milwaukee by targeting once-Democratic-leaning, working-class areas, where Trump made notable gains. In the three largest suburban Milwaukee counties — Ozaukee, Washington and Waukesha — which have formed the backbone of GOP victories for decades, Harris performed better than Biden did in 2020. She also gained more votes than Trump gained over 2020, though he still won the counties. That made Trump's focus on Rock County, a blue-collar area in south central Wisconsin, critical. Trump received 3,084 more votes in Rock County, home of the former automotive manufacturing city of Janesville, than he did in 2020, while Harris underperformed Biden's 2020 total by seven votes. That helped Trump offset Harris' improvement in Milwaukee's suburbs. The focus speaks to the strength Trump has had and continued to grow with middle-income, non-college educated voters, the Trump campaign's senior data analyst Tim Saler said. “If you're going to have to lean into working-class voters, they are particularly strong in Wisconsin,” Saler said. “We saw huge shifts from 2020 to 2024 in our favor.” Of the seven most competitive states, Arizona saw the smallest increase in the number of votes cast in the presidential contest — slightly more than 4,000 votes, in a state with more than 3.3 million ballots cast. That was despite nearly 30 campaign visits to Arizona by Trump, Harris and their running mates and more than $432 million spent on advertising by the campaigns and allied outside groups, according to the ad-monitoring firm AdImpact. Arizona, alone of the seven swing states, saw Harris fall short of Biden across small, midsize and large counties. In the other six states, she was able to hold on in at least one of these categories. Even more telling, it is also the only swing state where Trump improved his margin in every single county. While turnout in Maricopa County, Arizona's most populous as the home to Phoenix, dipped slightly from 2020 — by 14,199 votes, a tiny change in a county where more than 2 million people voted — Trump gained almost 56,000 more votes than four years ago. Meanwhile, Harris fell more than 60,000 votes short of Biden's total, contributing to a shift significant enough to swing the county and state to Trump, who lost Arizona by fewer than 11,000 votes in 2020. The biggest leaps to the right weren't taking place exclusively among Republican-leaning counties, but also among the most Democratic-leaning counties in the states. Michigan's Wayne County swung 9 points toward Trump, tying the more Republican-leaning Antrim County for the largest movement in the state. AP VoteCast found that voters were most likely to say the economy was the most important issue facing the country in 2024, followed by immigration. Trump supporters were more motivated by economic issues and immigration than Harris', the survey showed. “It’s still all about the economy," said North Carolina Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson, a senior adviser to Democrat Josh Stein, who won North Carolina’s governorship on Nov. 5 as Trump also carried the state. “Democrats have to embrace an economic message that actually works for real people and talk about it in the kind of terms that people get, rather than giving them a dissertation of economic policy,” he said. Governor’s elections in 2026 give Democrats a chance to test their understanding and messaging on the issue, said Democratic pollster Margie Omero, whose firm has advised Wisconsin’s Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in the past and winning Arizona Senate candidate Ruben Gallego this year. “So there’s an opportunity to really make sure people, who governors have a connection to, are feeling some specificity and clarity with the Democratic economic message,” Omero said.

LANDOVER, Md. — After plenty of talk in recent weeks about Terry McLaurin lining up only on the left side, the Washington Commanders’ first offensive snap was a throw by Jayden Daniels to his top receiver — on the right side, of course. OK, Kliff Kingsbury. Well played. Beyond that not-so-subtle answer to criticism, Washington’s offensive coordinator went back to a tried-and-true recipe to get his unit back on track: running the ball early and often. Brian Robinson Jr. returned from a sprained ankle to account for 103 of a season-high 267 yards rushing in a 42-19 rout of Tennessee on Sunday that ended a three-game losing streak and showed what this offense can do when clicking in all facets. “It’s a beautiful thing to see,” said Robinson, who had the longest rushing touchdown of his three-year NFL career, a 40-yarder. “It’s a beautiful thing to do. Just glad we were able to really put it back out there and show the potential we have in our room and our running game. We have a serious run game, and we just got to believe in it.” A balanced attack with Daniels handing the ball off 36 times, throwing it 30 and running nine allowed the Commanders to dominate time of possession and improve to 8-5 going into their bye week. “It opens up a lot, obviously, to be able to get guys to move the line of scrimmage and get to the second level and let our backs do what they do,” said Daniels, who ran for 34 yards to go along with 206 yards passing. “We’re getting to those times of the season where in December, January when you’ve got to be able to control the line of scrimmage and run the ball.” Robinson playing makes a big difference. His teammates are 1-2 without him this season, and Austin Ekeler going on injured reserve Saturday because of a concussion put everything on Robinson’s shoulders. Averaging 6.4 yards on 16 carries got the job done. “Man, is he a difference maker,” coach Dan Quinn said. “When Brian can kick through and step and get onto the next level, he’s really difficult to tackle.” What’s working The defense thrived while needing to be on the field for less than 20 minutes, forcing a turnover and keeping Tennessee off the scoreboard until late in the first half. It was already 28-0 at that point. Rookie cornerback Mike Sainristil — who celebrated his alma mater, Michigan, upsetting Ohio State a day earlier by asking McLaurin about the result while the Buckeyes product was forced to sit in the interview room after their game with Sainristil’s Wolverines jersey — forced and recovered Tony Pollard’s fumble in the first quarter. The Commanders made it 21-0 three plays later. “Offense, defense, special teams we all feed off one another,” said six-time All-Pro linebacker Bobby Wagner, who joined London Fletcher as the only players with 100-plus tackles in 13 consecutive seasons. “Whether it’s us getting turnovers, special teams getting turnovers or the offense going down the field and scoring, we all got to feed off of that and I felt like we did a good job of that.” What needs help The kicking game continues to struggle. Zane Gonzalez missed two field goal attempts while filling in for Austin Seibert, who went on injured reserve earlier in the week. Seibert reported a groin injury the day after missing an extra point that would have tied the score in the final minute against Dallas. If there are any Cyber Monday deals on kickers, the Commanders are in the market for a new one. They’ve had six on the roster since March. Stock up With starting right tackle Andrew Wylie out because of a concussion, Cornelius Lucas took his spot and did not miss a beat. Lucas opened the season splitting time at left tackle with rookie Brandon Coleman, and the journeyman lineman’s quick adjustment in Wylie’s absence helped the offense get on track. “I thought that’s a guy that was ready for the challenge,” Quinn said. Stock down Defensive tackle Phidarian Mathis was a healthy scratch against the Titans after Carl Davis was elevated from the practice squad. Quinn called it a coaching decision. Sitting the 2022 second-round pick is another blow to the four drafts Ron Rivera oversaw from 2020-23. Every first-round pick is now gone after cornerback Emmanuel Forbes’ release Saturday, and Mathis already has been passed on the depth chart by rookie Johnny Newton. Injuries Attrition added up through 13 consecutive games, and Ekeler and Seibert are out at least the next three games following the bye: at New Orleans on Dec. 15, against Philadelphia on Dec. 22 and against Atlanta on Dec. 28 or 29. Dealing with a hamstring injury, cornerback Marshon Lattimore has not played since the Commanders acquired him at the trade deadline from the Saints, so his debut for them could come against his old team. Key number 7 — Years since Washington last won a December home game before Sunday, in Week 16 of the 2017 season. The team’s previous December victory of any kind was in 2021. Next steps Rest up. As McLaurin said before leaving the stadium, “I’m going to enjoy this bye week.”Foundation Advocates Inclusive Leadership, Value Re-orientation

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