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Trump's tariff plans may 'derail' US inflation progress: Yellen

PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter's closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Imagine if for $1 million you could buy a business that makes $100,000 in annual profit. In investing lingo, one would say this business trades at 10 times its earnings or at a price-to-earnings (P/E) ratio of 10. It's helpful. In this particular scenario, one would recoup the purchase price after 10 years. Year 11 and beyond would allow the investor to make serious money. Of course, it's an over-simplistic way of looking at things. In the real world earnings are rarely static. But it still demonstrates how a P/E ratio works and why one would want to buy a business at a lower P/E ratio if at all possible. Buying shares of Costco Wholesale ( COST 0.88% ) at a lower P/E ratio is not possible right now. As of this writing, Costco stock trades at 55 times its earnings, which is just the second time in its history that its P/E ratio has gone over 50. COST PE Ratio data by YCharts Costco stock is up approximately 60% over the past year, which is crushing the S&P 500 and consequently attracting at lot of attention from investors. But should investors buy with the P/E ratio this high? Well, investors can use history to guide that decision. Here's what happened last time In early 1999, Costco stock jumped up over 50 times its earnings. The famous dot-com bubble in the stock market was in full force at the time. Costco stock would go on to hit an all-time high (at the time) in early 2000 right as the stock market bubble was about to pop. It eventually did pop and Costco stock lost roughly 50% of its value by the end of 2002. Keep in mind that Costco's business continued to perform quite well over this time. From the start of 2000 through the end of 2002, both revenue and earnings per share (EPS) were up. But the stock still got cut in half. COST data by YCharts One might argue that it's irrelevant to note that Costco's P/E ratio was over 50 at the time. After all, when a bubble pops, almost all stocks go down regardless of valuation. But one could also argue that Costco's lofty valuation was the direct result of the bubble, making it very relevant indeed. It's possible that the S&P 500 is currently in bubble territory yet again. From a P/E ratio perspective, the S&P 500 currently trades at its second highest valuation since the dot-com bubble popped over 20 years ago. The only other time it was pricier was in 2021, right before it plunged in 2022. In other words, Costco's P/E ratio is over 50 again and an overvalued market could be the culprit, just like in 2000. And back then, Costco stock wound up dropping by over 50%. Here's what will probably happen this time A lofty P/E ratio is usually only appropriate when a company can achieve above-average earnings growth. But at Costco's current size, I think earnings growth will be somewhat modest. For this reason, I wouldn't be surprised if the stock drops in the near future like it did over 20 years. In short, I'm comfortable saying it's overvalued today. But there's more to the story. It's true that Costco stock dropped, which was tragic for any investor who invested all of their money at the top. But the company has a great business model and it eventually regained highs and has been an extraordinary long-term investment, gaining over 1,900% since 2000. In other words, Costco stock was a great stock to dollar-cost average into when its P/E ratio was over 50. Consider the potential returns from the table below. Investment Date Investment Percentage Return by 2010 Value by 2010 Jan. 1, 2000 $1,000 58% $1,583 Jan. 1, 2001 $1,000 81% $1,808 Jan. 1, 2002 $1,000 63% $1,627 Jan. 1, 2003 $1,000 157% $2,573 Jan. 1, 2004 $1,000 94% $1,942 Total $5,000 91% $9,533 Data source: YCharts. If someone invested all of their money in Costco stock at the valuation peak, it took awhile to recover. And 10-year returns of 58% weren't fantastic. But by continuing to invest in a top company such as Costco over time, investors were able to greatly improve their long-term returns while avoiding being the victims of a stock market crash. That's a powerful thought. I believe Costco stock is overvalued today and I would avoid making a substantial investment in the company at this exact moment. That said, I also believe that Costco is one of the best and most resilient businesses around, meaning this is a stock that's worth holding in a portfolio. For those who agree with me regarding the quality of Costco's business, I think it could be a great idea to space out an investment over the next several years. This will help you avoid the risk of buying overvalued shares before a potential drop in the market.Nikola Corp. stock rises Monday, outperforms marketGrey Market Labs announces $8M Series A funding led by Capri Ventures to accelerate growth of its Replica Platform - First of its kind "Secure Environment as a Service"

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Analysis: After Juan Soto's megadeal, could MLB see a $1 billion contract? Probably not soonDaily Post Nigeria ‘Releasing Nnamdi Kanu will make you hero’ – Ohanaeze chieftain writes Tinubu Home News Politics Metro Entertainment Sport News ‘Releasing Nnamdi Kanu will make you hero’ – Ohanaeze chieftain writes Tinubu Published on November 25, 2024 By Seun Opejobi A former Secretary-General of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Dimm Uchechukwu Okwukwu, on Monday said the release of Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, will make President Bola Tinubu a hero. Okwukwu said Tinubu should order Kanu’s release because his matter is beyond the trial court. In an open letter addressed to President Tinubu, Okwukwu said the president should release Kanu under any condition. The letter reads: “I write this open letter to Your Excellency as a patriot and as someone who wishes your administration to succeed. “Having observed your stellar efforts to direct the difficult affairs of the state and your commitment to the stability of the nation, I noticed one constant factor that will help in no small measure in assuring your success and a historic tenure. “That one factor is the matter of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, whose continued detention is undoubtedly convulsing the Southeast, in particular, and the Nigerian polity in general. “I am aware that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s matter is still pending trial in court. But the question is this: Is trial the only way forward in resolving his matter? With due respect, I do not think so. “Mazi Kanu’s matter is beyond the province of the courts because it is more of a political issue than a legal issue for the judiciary. As such, it lies within the executive prerogatives of the office of the President to exercise sound presidential discretion in bringing immediate closure to the matter, once and for all. “Your Excellency, the release of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu bears more advantages than disadvantages, some of which are peace and tranquillity will return to Southeast and the law enforcement resources of the nation currently deployed to the Southeast will be freed and redeployed to fight more serious crimes like banditry and terrorism in Northern Nigeria. “For the above reasons, I strongly and respectfully urge Your Excellency, without further ado, direct that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu be released unconditionally or under some other arrangements as Your Excellency may deem proper and fit in the circumstances of the matter. “While thanking Your Excellency for your kind and prompt considerations, please be assured of my abiding regards for your high office.” Related Topics: Nnamdi Kanu Ohanaeze Tinubu Don't Miss 30% of Nigerian women experience gender-based violence – Sulaiman-Ibrahim You may like Improved funding for National Space Programme fundamental to economic wellbeing – Tinubu to NASS Umahi explains why President Tinubu prioritises legacy projects Tinubu: Northern youths give ACF 7 days to lift suspension on chairman, Osuman Judge’s absence stalls Nnamdi Kanu’s N50bn suit against Nigerian Govt Tinubu a reformer, not accidental president – Presidency replies Bishop Kukah Tinubu: Special Adviser on nothing – Atiku’s aide attacks Daniel Bwala over redesignation Advertise About Us Contact Us Privacy-Policy Terms Copyright © Daily Post Media Ltd

Question: Can you name the famous author whose brother-in-law’s baby died in Bloomington, whose mother-in-law was a feminist writer who wrote about the mistreatment of alleged witches in the 1800s and had a deep fear of tornadoes? Answer: The author is L. Frank Baum, writer of "The Wizard of Oz." Baum’s fascinating life and Bloomington connection are mentioned in the December issue of Smithsonian Magazine in the article, “The Feminist Who Inspired the Witches of Oz.” It details how Baum drew inspiration from real-life events and people to create the characters in "The Wizard of Oz" and "Wicked." (Thanks to Lou Ann Jacobs of Normal.) Vivian Kong Doctora talks about how to order at Kobe Revolving Sushi Bar Lifelong hockey enthusiast Adam Morris follows the growth of the Bloomington Bison in their first season. Are there parallels between the Bloomington Bison and their primary NHL affiliate? Columnist Adam Morris checks out the New York Rangers in person. The Bison are in their third month of existence, but their presence in Bloomington-Normal has already started to take root. After their five-game run against the Iowa Heartlanders ended with two consecutive losses, the Bloomington Bison can look forward to a change of scenery — and opponent. As we bask in the glow of holiday decorating and Thanksgiving leftovers, columnist Adam Morris takes stock of his gratitude as a Central Illinois hockey fan. When the Bison and Iowa Heartlanders play, penalties will be a factor. There have been 171 penalty minutes handed out, including 13 roughing calls and nine major penalties. Power plays, leadership and stamina: Three takeaways from the Bloomington Bison's first winning weekend at Grossinger Motors Arena. As the Bloomington Bison lose their top goaltender to a higher league, a grueling schedule in the coming weeks could become the team's proving ground. The Bloomington Bison's owners believe fans will be impressed with the higher level of play at Grossinger Motors Arena — but that only works if they're there to see it. Are you struggling to keep up with the Bison's ever-changing roster? You're not alone. Here's why the new Bloomington hockey team is uniquely positioned in its league — and how it could be an advantage. "Was it a little disappointing that the Bison did not come out of last weekend with a win? Of course. ... What I did see, though, felt just as encouraging." It's always exciting to see the start of something new. That's what fans are getting with the Bloomington Bison — on the ice and behind the glass. When the Bloomington Bison drop the puck in their preseason matchup Saturday, it will represent potentially best chance for sustained professional hockey in the Twin Cities. Catch the latest in Opinion Get opinion pieces, letters and editorials sent directly to your inbox weekly! {{description}} Email notifications are only sent once a day, and only if there are new matching items.

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Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Limited (NYSE:TSM) witnessed a notable decline in short interest during December. As of mid-month, short interest reached 25.45 million shares, marking a 15.5% drop from late November’s figures. Short-sold shares now make up 0.5% of the total stock, and the days-to-cover ratio stands at 1.9, based on an average daily volume of 13.68 million shares. Institutional Moves Shine Spotlight on TSMC Several hedge funds and institutional investors have been actively adjusting their positions in TSMC. Pinnacle Associates Ltd. expanded its stake by 3.6% in the second quarter, while Rothschild Investment LLC became a new investor with a significant stake. Concurrent Investment Advisors LLC boosted its holdings by 11.4%, and Commonwealth Equity Services LLC increased its stake by 10.6%, now owning over 309,000 shares valued at approximately $53.8 million. Collectively, institutional investors and hedge funds now control 16.51% of TSMC’s stock. Analyst Opinions and Market Performance Research analysts have weighed in on TSMC, with Barclays raising its target price to $240, maintaining an “overweight” rating. Meanwhile, some firms like StockNews.com have shifted to a “hold” rating. Despite mixed reviews, the overall analyst rating averages to a “Moderate Buy” with a target price near $214. Financial Gains and Dividend Growth Recently, TSMC announced a quarterly dividend increase, with shareholders scheduled to receive $0.5484 per share, an annualized yield of 1.09%. The company’s latest earnings surpassed expectations, reinforcing its strong financial standing, with a remarkable net margin of 39.10%. Given these developments, TSMC continues to be a focal point for investors navigating the semiconductor market. The Rise and Prospects of TSMC in the Semiconductor Market Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Limited (TSMC) has positioned itself as a leader in cutting-edge semiconductor technologies. With innovations in 3nm and 5nm process nodes, TSMC continues to push the boundaries of efficiency and power in chip manufacturing, appealing to tech giants for the latest computing and mobile applications. The semiconductor market as a whole is witnessing a surge in demand driven by advancements in artificial intelligence, 5G technology, and cloud computing. TSMC is at the forefront, investing heavily in sustainable manufacturing practices. The company aims to reduce its carbon footprint and improve energy efficiency across its fabrication plants, aligning with global sustainability trends. To mitigate risks and enhance its global presence, TSMC is expanding its geographical footprint, including new facilities in the United States and investments in Europe. These strategic moves are designed to bolster supply chain resilience and reduce dependency on any single region. Market analysts predict robust growth for TSMC, supported by its technological advancements and strategic investments. As semiconductor demands soar in various industries, TSMC is well-positioned to capture a significant market share. The focus on addressing chip shortages and geopolitical tensions further strengthens its leadership outlook. Compared to rivals like Intel and Samsung, TSMC maintains a competitive edge with its ability to innovate rapidly and meet the diverse needs of clientele ranging from consumer electronics to automotive sectors. This agility allows TSMC to remain attractive to investors seeking stability and growth potential. For more information about TSMC and its ventures, visit the official TSMC website .

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Vance takes on a more visible transition role, working to boost Trump’s most contentious picksOur community members are treated to special offers, promotions and adverts from us and our partners. You can check out at any time. More info I'm A Celebrity...Get Me Out Of Here! star Barry McGuigan has opened up about a boxing injury that left him with a replacement plastic nose. During Friday (November 22) night's episode, the fighting champion's campmates gathered around to share details of their relationships with the sport. Coleen Rooney was the first to chime in, revealing to Barry and McFly's Danny Jones that she grew up sparring with her brothers. She told them: "My dad had us, me and my two brothers sparring each other when we were younger. He used to get us in the living room, we’ve got it all on video. I was Big Betty, my brother’s called Jo and he was Little Josie, and we used to have a ring walk." The 63-year-old former boxer then revealed a life-changing injury left him with a plastic nose. He said: “When I had it broken it was flat, so they just took the bone out and replaced it with plastic.” Barry started fighting professionally in 1981 and had an impressive career, during which he held the British and European featherweight titles, between 1983 and 1985. The Irish star was also inducted into the International Boxing Hall of Fame in 2005. Taking the opportunity to learn from the professional, Danny then asked Barry for the best way to train for body shots, which the boxer was happy to demonstrate. The duo threw punches back-and-forth, with Danny landing five hits on Barry. Later in the program, the singer gushed to the Bush Telegraph: "Today my life was made because Barry McGuigan let me hit him in the stomach. I hit him really hard and it was solid, it was like hitting a brick wall." The oldest member of this year's line-up, Barry was confident that he would be a calming presence amidst the younger campmates. Before entering the jungle, he said: "I’m the consoler when the guys have a hard day in the gym and they haven’t sparred particularly well. "I’d like to think I’d be someone who would act as a ‘calmer downer’ if you like. Or I might get irritated. I really don’t know." I’m A Celebrity...Get Me Out Of Here! returns tomorrow at 9pm on ITV1 and ITVX

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