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To improve your local-language experience, sometimes we employ an auto-translation plugin. Please note auto-translation may not be accurate, so read article for precise information. In Brief The DeFi ecosystem’s security has improved, with a 40% decrease in hacks, but centralized finance breaches increased by $694 million, highlighting ongoing system weaknesses. The DeFi ecosystem’s security mechanisms have improved, as seen by the significant 40% drop in DeFi hacks over the previous year. Centralized finance breaches, on the other hand, increased significantly, amounting to $694 million, a statistic that highlights ongoing weaknesses in centralized systems. A thorough analysis of these patterns is provided in the , which also includes insightful information on how the Web3 threat landscape is changing. The DeFi industry saw notable improvements in its security architecture in 2024. The total losses decreased significantly from $787 million in 2023 to $474 million. The increased security of cross-chain bridge protocols was a major factor in this development. Bridges, which were formerly a popular target for hackers, showed increased resistance as a result of the use of innovative cryptographic techniques like Multi-Party Computation (MPC) and Zero-Knowledge (ZK) encryption. Photo: Hacken Bridge-related damages had a substantial drop in the severity of exploits, dropping from $338 million in 2023 to $114 million in 2024. These improvements in bridge security demonstrate how the DeFi industry has been able to apply strong countermeasures and learn from previous accidents. On the other hand, CeFi platforms had a difficult year. The $339 million recorded in 2023 was more than doubled to $694 million in losses. These breaches mostly affected centralized exchanges, with access control exploits responsible for a large percentage of the losses. Critical flaws in operational security were brought to light by high-profile instances such as the $230 million WazirX breach and the $305 million DMM Exchange attack. All CeFi platforms have widespread access control flaws, most frequently related to compromised private keys or flaws in multi-signature schemes. These events highlight how urgently better access control procedures and decentralized fund safekeeping options are needed. Across all industries, access control exploits became the most common danger, causing a startling $1.7 billion in damages. In 2024, 75% of all cryptocurrency hack losses fell into this group, up from 50% in 2023. These attacks, which affected DeFi, CeFi, and even gaming/metaverse systems, were mostly caused by private key breaches. Notable examples include the $55 million Radiant Capital hack, which used malware to rig transaction approvals, and the $290 million PlayDapp hack, in which hackers used an access control flaw to manufacture illegal tokens. These illustrations show how urgently improved private key security procedures are needed. Platforms for gaming and the metaverse also saw large losses in 2024, coming to $389 million. The PlayDapp breach alone was the most serious event in this industry, costing $290 million. Access control flaws were the cause of two more noteworthy cases: the $5 million Super Sushi Samurai hack and the $62.5 million Munchables attack. The first quarter’s concentrated losses indicate that new platforms frequently find it difficult to put strong security measures in place, making them open to sophisticated assaults. In 2024, phishing assaults continued to be an increasing worry, resulting in losses of more than $600 million. Attackers used strategies like address poisoning to trick victims in these more sophisticated frauds. The theft of $129 million via an address poisoning attack on the Tron blockchain was a well-known event in November. Such incidents highlight the vital need for user education and strong anti-phishing procedures, even though the stolen money was recovered. Rug pulls were still a problem in the crypto world, especially on the Solana blockchain. These frauds were carried out quickly thanks to the creation of over 4 million tokens utilizing platforms like pump.fun. Memecoin rug pulls, in which developers dump large amounts of their token supply to drain liquidity pools, became more common as a result of Solana’s low transaction fees and fast network. Presale scams gained prominence in 2024, with losses from Solana meme coins surpassing $122.5 million. Celebrity-endorsed rug pulls further muddled the situation, harnessing social power to entice investors before dramatically depreciating the tokens. Strategies for Mitigating Security Risks The Hacken 2024 Web3 Security Report’s list of recurring vulnerabilities emphasizes the necessity of taking preventative action in every industry. Key recommendations include: The divergent patterns in 2024 DeFi and CeFi security show both advancements and enduring difficulties in the cryptocurrency ecosystem. The rise in CeFi breaches emphasizes the urgent need for systemic changes, even while the DeFi sector’s advancements provide a model for improving security. Adopting advanced security procedures and maintaining constant watchfulness will be crucial to protecting digital assets as the Web3 ecosystem changes. In line with the , please note that the information provided on this page is not intended to be and should not be interpreted as legal, tax, investment, financial, or any other form of advice. It is important to only invest what you can afford to lose and to seek independent financial advice if you have any doubts. For further information, we suggest referring to the terms and conditions as well as the help and support pages provided by the issuer or advertiser. MetaversePost is committed to accurate, unbiased reporting, but market conditions are subject to change without notice. Victoria is a writer on a variety of technology topics including Web3.0, AI and cryptocurrencies. Her extensive experience allows her to write insightful articles for the wider audience. Victoria is a writer on a variety of technology topics including Web3.0, AI and cryptocurrencies. Her extensive experience allows her to write insightful articles for the wider audience.Jimmy Carter, the 39th US president, has died at 100University of Texas System’s free tuition plan sparks resistance from some state lawmakers

Some people might go on holidays to relax, tick off tourist sights or see the local wildlife. I like to do all of those things, I'll admit. But I also love to shop . From France, Italy and Greece to Japan , America and Canada, I love to fill my bags with curios, clothes and cosmetics and everything else. READ MORE: Camping essentials that won't break the budget for under $60 I started at a young age, despite family holidays being pretty frugal back then. While other kids likely wanted fridge magnets, I lusted after a polka dotted red flamenco dress in Spain. I tried it on but my parents wouldn't let me have it (unsurprisingly). I then recall moving on to easier targets, like the Spanish equivalent of the dollar shop. I lugged home vases and fragranced candles from Barcelona which I proudly displayed in my bedroom. Later, also in Spain, I discovered Zara, which back then was the height of fashion and wasn't yet available in England. Then, the first couple of times I went to New York City as a teenager, was jaw-dropping. Suddenly I could get all the things I'd read about in magazines and seen on TV shows like Sex and the City . READ MORE: World hidden under the busiest streets in Seoul Hard Candy nail polish, Carmex lip balm, Oreos and DKNY T-shirts filled my case. I'd also come home laden with CD's - remember those - which were much cheaper there. And as I started earning my own money, things escalated. Going on a ranch holiday in Arizona was an excuse to head to the local western shop, Boot Barn and holler, "GET ME EVERYTHING". READ MORE: NYC: Everything to know before visiting Now, the definition of a souvenir is "a thing that is kept as a reminder of a person, place, or event." And we've been collecting them for thousands of years apparently, as ancient Egyptians, Greeks and Romans used to cart rare artefacts home. Of course, social media has recently sent travel shopping stratospheric. What are being dubbed 'goods getaways' are 'trending', travel firm Expedia says. Because a lot of the time, it's all about showing off, isn't it? And where better to do that than online. "Here is this decadent chocolate from Dubai!' "My butter is better than yours because I got it in Paris! "See these cheeks, they look as shiny as glass due to this face cream from South Korea!" Indeed without TikTok I would have had no idea about the best things to snap up in Tokyo. Turns out it was strangely flavoured Kit Kats, hair and face stuff and heated eye masks, all from discount store Don Quijote. Garish, packed, cheap and found all across Japan, it's possibly the best shop I've ever been to. But I don't just follow the trends. Perhaps the most unusual thing I have bought on holiday was the $40 (empty) Fortnum and Mason hamper I found in a charity shop in London. It took some effort to cram that in the overhead locker. And the best goodies would be the second hand clothes I've unearthed everywhere from Phoenix to Kyoto.  However, with the cost of living and exchange rates the way they are, recently I have recently scaled back my holiday shopping. Plus, you can now get most things online which has really killed the novelty of coming home with stuff nobody else has. I've also started to realise memories are much more valuable than things. Or maybe I'm just sick of trying to squeeze it all in my luggage.Are the Rams a potential player for Daniel Jones? | Sporting News

Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima ( NYSE:LOMA – Get Free Report ) shares were up 3.2% during trading on Friday . The company traded as high as $12.56 and last traded at $12.55. Approximately 347,516 shares traded hands during trading, a decline of 33% from the average daily volume of 522,521 shares. The stock had previously closed at $12.16. Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima Stock Up 2.1 % The business’s 50 day simple moving average is $10.95 and its 200-day simple moving average is $8.55. The company has a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.19, a quick ratio of 0.43 and a current ratio of 1.29. The company has a market cap of $1.45 billion, a price-to-earnings ratio of 21.03 and a beta of 1.36. Institutional Trading of Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima Several hedge funds have recently added to or reduced their stakes in the business. Virtu Financial LLC boosted its stake in shares of Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima by 21.5% in the 3rd quarter. Virtu Financial LLC now owns 18,945 shares of the company’s stock valued at $153,000 after purchasing an additional 3,355 shares in the last quarter. BNP Paribas Financial Markets boosted its position in Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima by 314,275.0% in the third quarter. BNP Paribas Financial Markets now owns 12,575 shares of the company’s stock valued at $101,000 after buying an additional 12,571 shares in the last quarter. abrdn plc grew its stake in Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima by 1.3% during the third quarter. abrdn plc now owns 1,250,500 shares of the company’s stock worth $10,079,000 after buying an additional 16,300 shares during the last quarter. SkyView Investment Advisors LLC acquired a new stake in shares of Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima during the third quarter worth approximately $161,000. Finally, Long Focus Capital Management LLC boosted its holdings in shares of Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima by 9.2% in the 2nd quarter. Long Focus Capital Management LLC now owns 237,600 shares of the company’s stock worth $1,606,000 after acquiring an additional 20,000 shares in the last quarter. Institutional investors own 19.32% of the company’s stock. Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima Company Profile Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima, together with its subsidiaries, manufactures and sells cement and its derivatives in Argentina. The company operates through Cement, Masonry Cement and Lime; Concrete; Railroad; Aggregates; and Others segments. It offers masonry cement, aggregates, ready-mix concrete, concrete, and lime to wholesale distributors, concrete producers, industrial customers, and others for use in the construction. Recommended Stories Receive News & Ratings for Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Loma Negra Compañía Industrial Argentina Sociedad Anónima and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .

Volvo Cars Australia hasn’t given up on its trusty XC90 just yet, with the popular large SUV’s second facelift originally not intended for our market now confirmed for launch during the first half of 2025. Revealed in September, the 2025 Volvo XC90 is the third iteration of the second-generation model first launched globally in 2015, boasting a more comprehensive set of design revisions and Volvo’s latest technologies to bring it in line with the Swedish brand’s newest models like the all-electric EX90 . Headlining the changes are a new face more akin to Volvo’s new electric range of ‘EX’ models, as well as a new 11.2-inch high-resolution infotainment system running the brand’s latest interface. Volvo has applied some less obvious changes, like improved storage space in the centre console, a relocated wireless smartphone charger, redesigned gear selector and additional sound insulation to make the cabin quieter. 100s of new car deals are available through CarExpert right now. Get the experts on your side and score a great deal. Browse now . Beyond that, “the best-ever Volvo XC90” is more or less the same under the skin – and it already had proven and capable underpinnings. Volvo is keen to label the available T8 plug-in hybrid version as an “electric car with a back-up plan”, quoting over 70km of WLTP-certified electric driving range, and a further 800km of range from the turbocharged petrol engine (based on fuel economy of 8.6L/100km once the battery is depleted). Globally, the existing B5 and B6 mild-hybrid versions also carry over. It’s unclear if all three powertrain variants will continue in Australia into 2025, or whether the T8 will become more widely available. Full pricing and specifications for our market will be detailed closer to launch but, for reference, the existing range is priced from $99,940 plus on-road costs for the Ultra B5 Bright, climbing to $128,390 before on-roads for the Ultra T8 Plug-in Hybrid flagship. Given the expected upgrades, we could see the upgraded XC90’s starting price in Australia start above six figures, unless base pricing reduces closer to the $86,990 entry point from a few years ago when the more affordable Momentum grade was offered (which could be called Plus in today’s nomenclature). Stay tuned to CarExpert for more details. MORE: 2025 Volvo XC90 gets new lease on life MORE: Everything Volvo XC90

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ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.

The Daniel Jones era is officially over in the Meadowlands, and there’s no time like the present to start weighing up where the six-year veteran might be headed next. As Vinnie Iyer wrote , teams like the Vikings and Jets might make the most sense, but there’s a chance the Rams will throw their name in the hat if they are willing to make a few moves. USA Today writer Ayrton Ostly made a compelling case for Jones in Los Angeles , one that could appeal to Jones with a chance to sit and learn under Sean McVay. “The Rams have former starter Jimmy Garoppolo currently backing up starter Matthew Stafford. Jones is six years younger, has more starting experience and is a more talented passer than Garoppolo or third-stringer Stetson Bennett. Sean McVay's system is quarterback-friendly and Jones could be a backup for the aging Stafford for the time being. He could follow what Sam Darnold did in San Francisco and spend some time with the creator of a widespread coaching tree to revive his career.” Replacing Garoppolo with a younger quarterback with arguably more upside is self-explanatory, but in terms of the depth chart, the situation remains complicated. The Rams already carry three quarterbacks on their roster, starting with Matthew Stafford, Garoppolo, and last year’s fourth-round draft pick, Stetson Bennett. The fact Bennett remains on the roster despite not taking a single snap suggests Sean McVay has plans for the former Georgia Bulldog, while it’s also worth noting the Rams have poured time into Garoppolo learning the playbook, even if he’s currently signed to a one-year deal. Still, Jones in Los Angeles would be on brand for the Rams given they’ve experimented with former starting quarterbacks looking for a new home in the past. Carson Wentz, Blake Bortles, and Baker Mayfield have all spent time as backups – the latter going on to find big success over the last two seasons in Tampa Bay. With Jones handling this entire situation beautifully, the Rams and their loaded wide receiver room would be the perfect change of scenery as he looks to get his career back on track. Whether McVay and company are willing to part with Jimmy G for a younger option remains the big question.