SANTA CLARA, Calif. — A day after De’Vondre Campbell Sr. refused to play and walked off the job, coach Kyle Shanahan made it clear Friday that Campbell won’t be returning to the team. “We’re working through the semantics of exactly how to deal with it,” Shanahan said on a media conference call. “You heard from me last night and the players. His actions from the game are not something you can do to your teammates ... and still be part of our team.” Whether Campbell’s one-year, $5 million contract is terminated or he’s released or suspended, Shanahan only said the 49ers would handle it “appropriately.” Campbell did not play a snap in Thursday night’s 12-6 home loss to the Los Angeles Rams, refusing to budge from the bench once the 49ers needed him in the third quarter to replace a fatigued Dre Greenlaw in the latter’s season debut. Shanahan said he wasn’t aware of Campbell’s boycott until asking the defensive coaching staff over their headsets about it in the third quarter. “I addressed De’Vondre and found out. It was pretty simple to see how he was,” Shanahan said. “Then we moved on with our lives after that.” Campbell, who started in place of Greenlaw the past three months, walked off the field in the fourth quarter to the 49ers’ locker room, where he was gone once reporters entered to seek his still-unanswered motive for his in-game desertion. Shanahan said he did not order him off the field, nor did Campbell reveal exactly why he refused to play. “Not sure exactly what led to him leaving the field,” Shanahan said. “Once I found out he wasn’t playing, I moved on to people we could count on.” Teammates seethed over what they deemed Campbell’s “selfish” act to leave their defense in a lurch, seeing how Greenlaw’s troublesome left leg sidelined him after a 30-snap debut and seeing how Dee Winters’ first-half neck injury kept him from working as the No. 3 linebacker, a role that perhaps Campbell thought he deserved in this week’s demotion. This conceivably could spell the end of Campbell’s nine-year NFL career that’s earned him $38 million. He’ll be gone before playing out the one-year, $5 million contract with the 49ers, who turned to him in mid-March after linebacker Eric Kendricks backed out of a deal and defected days later to the Dallas Cowboys in free agency. Campbell, 31, never quite meshed as a linebacker tandem with All-Pro linebacker Fred Warner. Prior to Thursday night’s benching, Campbell was a full-time starter, although he was not in the Week 3 opening snap at Los Angeles when the 49ers instead deployed five linemen and five defensive backs around Warner. Campbell’s 79 tackles rank second to Warner’s 106. “We needed a starting-caliber linebacker to fill in for Dre until he got back. (Campbell) had ups and downs throughout the year,” Shanahan said. “He started off slow. He got more used to our defense and how we expect people to play, and he improved throughout the year.” In the 49ers’ previous home loss before Thursday’s, they fell to another NFC West opponent, and it was Seattle Seahawks quarterback Geno Smith racing past Campbell for a go-ahead touchdown run in the final seconds of that 20-17 collapse on Nov. 17. “They just made plays at critical moments,” Campbell said afterward at his locker. Campbell had at least seven tackles — and no more than eight — in five of his six final games, not counting Thursday’s boycott that had teammates fuming in its aftermath. “I have never been around anybody that’s ever done that and I hope that I’m never around anybody that does that again,” tight end George Kittle said. Cornerback Charvarius Ward, who’s been playing through grief after the Oct. 28 death of his toddler daughter, was aghast at Campbell’s ploy. “If he didn’t want to play, he shouldn’t have dressed out. He could have told them that before the game,” Ward said. “I feel like that was some sucker (expletive) that he did. ... That’s some selfish stuff to me, in my opinion. Probably gonna be cut soon.” Part of the 49ers’ attraction to Campbell stemmed from his connection with Shanahan, who was the Super Bowl-bound Atlanta Falcons defensive coordinator in 2016 when Campbell arrived as a fourth-round draft pick. Campbell played four seasons in Atlanta, 2020 in Arizona, then began a three-year stint in Green Bay by making All-Pro in 2021. It’s not a certainty Greenlaw will be healthy enough to make an encore next Sunday when the 49ers visit the Miami Dolphins. He expressed concern about his knee’s stability in the left leg he’s been rehabilitating the past 10 months because of his Achilles tear in the Super Bowl. “His Achilles and knee checked out good. He’s dealing with soreness,” said Shanahan, who listed Greenlaw and Winters (neck) as day to day. Warner (ankle) and Demetrius Flannigan-Fowles (knee) all have health concerns, too. Jalen Graham and DaShaun White are on the practice squad. Curtis Robinson, Campbell’s potential replacement earlier in the year, is on injured reserve because of a knee injury, as is the case with Tatum Bethune. As for Campbell, “In my opinion, as a (NFL) brotherhood, he should never play again. Why would you want him on your team?” former NFL safety Ryan Clark said Friday morning on ESPN’s “Get Up.” His in-game exit drew comparisons to those marking the NFL farewells of Vontae Davis (2018 Bills) and Antonio Brown (2021 Bucs). Whereas 49ers tight end Vernon Davis got sent off by Mike Singletary during a 2008 game, Davis rebounded from that viral moment and stayed with the 49ers into the 2015 season as a two-time Pro Bowler. The 49ers (6-8) play next Sunday at the Miami Dolphins, before a home finale on Monday night Dec. 30 against the NFC-leading Detroit Lions, then the regular-season finale at the Arizona Cardinals. ©2024 MediaNews Group, Inc. Visit at mercurynews.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Turnover at Dhaka Stock Exchange (DSE) hit a four-month low yesterday as skittish investors cautiously traded select shares amidst ongoing political and economic uncertainties. The turnover, which is the total value of the shares traded on the market, amounted to Tk 293 crore. The last time the turnover reached this low was on August 4 this year, when it was Tk 207 crore. Yesterday's turnover was also 12.47 percent lower than that recorded on the previous trading day. The DSEX, the broad index of the country's premier bourse, edged down by 14.99 points, or 0.29 percent from that on the day prior, to close at 5,181, marking a fall for a second consecutive trading day. The DSES index for the Shariah-based companies receded by 7.19 points, or 0.62 percent, to 1,156. The DS30 index, which represents the blue-chip stocks, fell by 3.29 points, or 0.17 percent, to 1,908. Of the issues that changed hands at the DSE, 87 witnessed a rise in prices, 248 closed lower and the remaining 60 did not see any price fluctuation. Among the sectors, banking dominated the turnover chart, accounting for 15.09 percent of the total. Block trades, which refers to high-volume transactions in securities that are privately negotiated and executed outside the open market, contributed another 4.7 percent. Bangladesh Shipping Corporation emerged as the most-traded share, with a turnover of Tk 8.9 crore. Sector-wise, textile, fuel and power, and pharmaceuticals were the top three to close in the positive, according to the daily market update by UCB Stock Brokerage. Jute, mutual fund, and ceramics became the top three to close in the negative. The sectors that account for large amounts in market capitalisation, which is the total value of their shares at present, posted a mixed performance, as per the day's market update by BRAC EPL Stock Brokerage. Fuel and power experienced the largest gain of 0.23 percent, followed by pharmaceuticals (0.08 percent), and telecommunication (0.01 percent). The loss incurring sectors are engineering (0.41 percent), food and allied (0.74 percent), banking (0.89 percent), and non-bank financial institutions (1.02 percent). Turnover at Dhaka Stock Exchange (DSE) hit a four-month low yesterday as skittish investors cautiously traded select shares amidst ongoing political and economic uncertainties. The turnover, which is the total value of the shares traded on the market, amounted to Tk 293 crore. The last time the turnover reached this low was on August 4 this year, when it was Tk 207 crore. Yesterday's turnover was also 12.47 percent lower than that recorded on the previous trading day. The DSEX, the broad index of the country's premier bourse, edged down by 14.99 points, or 0.29 percent from that on the day prior, to close at 5,181, marking a fall for a second consecutive trading day. The DSES index for the Shariah-based companies receded by 7.19 points, or 0.62 percent, to 1,156. The DS30 index, which represents the blue-chip stocks, fell by 3.29 points, or 0.17 percent, to 1,908. Of the issues that changed hands at the DSE, 87 witnessed a rise in prices, 248 closed lower and the remaining 60 did not see any price fluctuation. Among the sectors, banking dominated the turnover chart, accounting for 15.09 percent of the total. Block trades, which refers to high-volume transactions in securities that are privately negotiated and executed outside the open market, contributed another 4.7 percent. Bangladesh Shipping Corporation emerged as the most-traded share, with a turnover of Tk 8.9 crore. Sector-wise, textile, fuel and power, and pharmaceuticals were the top three to close in the positive, according to the daily market update by UCB Stock Brokerage. Jute, mutual fund, and ceramics became the top three to close in the negative. The sectors that account for large amounts in market capitalisation, which is the total value of their shares at present, posted a mixed performance, as per the day's market update by BRAC EPL Stock Brokerage. Fuel and power experienced the largest gain of 0.23 percent, followed by pharmaceuticals (0.08 percent), and telecommunication (0.01 percent). The loss incurring sectors are engineering (0.41 percent), food and allied (0.74 percent), banking (0.89 percent), and non-bank financial institutions (1.02 percent).

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AP Trending SummaryBrief at 4:46 p.m. ESTATLANTA — As she checked into a recent flight to Mexico for vacation, Teja Smith chuckled at the idea of joining another Women’s March on Washington. As a Black woman, she just couldn’t see herself helping to replicate the largest act of resistance against then-President Donald Trump’s first term in January 2017. Even in an election this year where Trump questioned his opponent’s race, held rallies featuring racist insults and falsely claimed Black migrants in Ohio were eating their neighbors’ pets, he didn't just win a second term. He became the first Republican in two decades to clinch the popular vote, although by a small margin. Supporters of Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris hold their fists in the air after she delivered a concession speech after the 2024 presidential election Nov. 6 on the campus of Howard University in Washington. Jacquelyn Martin, Associated Press “It’s like the people have spoken and this is what America looks like,” said Smith, the Los Angeles-based founder of the advocacy social media agency, Get Social. “And there’s not too much more fighting that you’re going to be able to do without losing your own sanity.” After Trump was declared the winner over Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris, many politically engaged Black women said they were so dismayed by the outcome that they were reassessing — but not completely abandoning — their enthusiasm for electoral politics and movement organizing. Black women often carry much of the work of getting out the vote in their communities. They had vigorously supported the historic candidacy of Harris, who would have been the first woman of Black and South Asian descent to win the presidency. Harris' loss spurred a wave of Black women across social media resolving to prioritize themselves, before giving so much to a country that over and over has shown its indifference to their concerns. AP VoteCast, a survey of more than 120,000 voters, found that 6 in 10 Black women said the future of democracy in the United States was the single most important factor for their vote this year, a higher share than for other demographic groups. But now, with Trump set to return to office in two months, some Black women are renewing calls to emphasize rest, focus on mental health and become more selective about what fight they lend their organizing power to. “America is going to have to save herself,” said LaTosha Brown, co-founder of the national voting rights group Black Voters Matter. She compared Black women’s presence in social justice movements as “core strategists and core organizers” to the North Star, known as the most consistent and dependable star in the galaxy because of its seemingly fixed position in the sky. People can rely on Black women to lead change, Brown said, but the next four years will look different. “That’s not a herculean task that’s for us. We don’t want that title. ... I have no goals to be a martyr for a nation that cares nothing about me,” she said. Listen now and subscribe: Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS Feed | SoundStack | All Of Our Podcasts Supporters cheer during a community rally with Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris on Oct. 27 in Philadelphia. Susan Walsh, Associated Press AP VoteCast paints a clear picture of Black women's concerns. Black female voters were most likely to say that democracy was the single most important factor for their vote, compared to other motivators such as high prices or abortion. More than 7 in 10 Black female voters said they were “very concerned” that electing Trump would lead the nation toward authoritarianism, while only about 2 in 10 said this about Harris. About 9 in 10 Black female voters supported Harris in 2024, according to AP VoteCast, similar to the share that backed Democrat Joe Biden in 2020. Trump received support from more than half of white voters, who made up the vast majority of his coalition in both years. Like voters overall, Black women were most likely to say the economy and jobs were the most important issues facing the country, with about one-third saying that. But they were more likely than many other groups to say that abortion and racism were the top issues, and much less likely than other groups to say immigration was the top issue. Despite those concerns, which were well-voiced by Black women throughout the campaign, increased support from young men of color and white women helped expand Trump’s lead and secured his victory. Politically engaged Black women said they don’t plan to continue positioning themselves in the vertebrae of the “backbone” of America’s democracy. The growing movement prompting Black women to withdraw is a shift from history, where they are often present and at the forefront of political and social change. One of the earliest examples is the women’s suffrage movement that led to ratification in 1920 of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, which gave women the right to vote. Black women, however, were prevented from voting for decades afterward because of Jim Crow-era literacy tests, poll taxes and laws that blocked the grandchildren of slaves from voting. Most Black women couldn’t vote until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Black women were among the organizers and counted among the marchers brutalized on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Alabama, during the historic march in 1965 from Selma to Montgomery that preceded federal legislation. Decades later, Black women were prominent organizers of the Black Lives Matter movement in response to the deaths of Black Americans at the hands of police and vigilantes. In his 2024 campaign, Trump called for leveraging federal money to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion programs in government and discussions of race, gender or sexual orientation in schools. His rhetoric on immigration, including false claims that Black Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, were eating cats and dogs, drove support for his plan to deport millions of people. Tenita Taylor, a Black resident of Atlanta who supported Trump this year, said she was initially excited about Harris’ candidacy. But after thinking about how high her grocery bills have been, she feels that voting for Trump in hopes of finally getting lower prices was a form of self-prioritization. “People say, ‘Well, that’s selfish, it was gonna be better for the greater good,''' she said. “I’m a mother of five kids. ... The things that (Democrats) do either affect the rich or the poor.” Where can Black women feel supported and flourish financially? When posed that question, Dr. Lori Martin, a professor of African and African American studies and sociology at Louisiana State University, had this to say: "A livable place for Black women is safe, and for women with children, it is home to schools where all students have access to an excellent education. It would also be diverse, with a visible and thriving Black community, including Black businesses." While the socioeconomic realities of our current time touch all corners of the country, there are pockets of the U.S. where the wealth gap narrows and Black women have more opportunities. MoneyGeek analyzed data on income, the cost of crime , homeownership , and poverty levels from 164 cities across the United States to rank the best — and worst — cities for Black women to live and financially flourish in. Key findings Suburban cities of large metropolitan areas ranked highest. Southfield — outside of Detroit — and Pearland — a suburb of Houston — ranked highest in the analysis. The South is home to 13 of the top 25 cities for Black women, led by Pearland, Texas; Port St. Lucie, Florida; and Garland, Texas. Minneapolis, Minnesota, ranks at the bottom due to significant income and health insurance disparities for Black women compared to white men. Miami has the second-lowest overall ranking and second-largest income gap of the cities analyzed, with Black women earning only over a third of what white men make. SNEHIT PHOTO // Shutterstock MoneyGeek ranked 164 cities with populations greater than 65,000 from the best to the worst for Black women. The ranking includes analysis of income, poverty rate, homeownership, educational attainment and health insurance gaps between Black women and the entire population nationally and locally. The size of the local Black population and the cost of crime in the area were included in the ranking to reflect the presence of the Black community and safety, respectively. Southfield — a suburb of Detroit — and Pearland — a Houston suburb — ranked as the top two cities in the analysis. Notably, Southern cities make up the majority of cities in the top 25, with 13 located in this region. MoneyGeek In contrast, Minneapolis, Minnesota, ranked as the worst city for Black women. In Minneapolis, Black women face high poverty rates in absolute and relative terms and have low rates of health insurance coverage compared to the cities analyzed. Meanwhile, Miami ranks as the second least favorable city, with a significant local income gap — there, white men earn almost triple the income of Black women. MoneyGeek Income disparity is a key measure of how well Black women are doing today. For each city in the analysis, we calculated the local Equal Pay Day — the day in the following year when Black women would make an equivalent amount as white men — using the median income of Black women working full time and the median income of white men working full time in each locality. In Carson, California, the median pay of Black women is higher than the median pay of white men. However, in Evanston, Illinois, Black women make just over a third of white men's earnings, meaning they would need to work until September 24, 2024, to earn the equivalent of a white man's 2022 pay. Economic challenges faced by Black women include restricted career advancement opportunities, insufficient health insurance, and inadequate retirement savings. Survey data from Goldman Sachs indicates that 42% of Black women perceive limited career growth opportunities compared to 35% of U.S. adults, and merely 43% are able to obtain health insurance through their employer, in contrast to 53% nationwide. Additionally, 71% of Black women feel they are living paycheck to paycheck, compared to 63% of the general population. The intersection of racial and gender bias contributes to these challenges, resulting in low-wage jobs and a considerable wealth gap. Our analysis validates this, demonstrating that Black women who work full-time, year-round, earn 64 cents for every dollar white men earn working full-time, year-round. Less access to economic opportunities puts Black women at a disadvantage in building wealth. The FDIC's National Survey of Unbanked and Underbanked Households found that 11.3% of Black households were unbanked compared to just 2.1% of white households. Unbanked households are credit invisible — that is, they don't have a credit history and, therefore, can't build credit. Having no credit history makes it difficult to utilize credit cards to manage cash needs and mortgages to buy homes. Advocating for economic opportunities for Black women The struggle for economic equity remains a persistent challenge for Black women in America, who have historically faced systemic wage disparities and employment obstacles. However, there are tools and resources that can provide Black women with economic opportunities and empowerment. Dr. Ukanwa shares additional solutions, such as: 1. Invest in education: Research has already shown that degrees increase lifetime earnings, close some societal gaps, and increase job security. But if degrees are not your path, it also means continuing to build that knowledge and expertise in something you can be the best at. Figure out your expertise and what you bring to the table. 2. After building your expertise in a field, build your reputation and personal brand: With an excellent reputation and personal brand, people will start to seek you out rather than the other way around. This increases the worth of your expertise. 3. Find out what your expertise is worth: Educate yourself on how to negotiate . Negotiate to be paid what you are worth. 4. Get into the habit of ownership: Build your own equity, which decreases the dependence on someone else for your income. For example, this could be your own business, stocks , or real estate. Methodology To rank the best cities for Black women, MoneyGeek analyzed data from the American Community Survey , MoneyGeek's Safest Cities and Safest Small Cities and Towns studies, and the Bureau of Economic Analysis. The analysis started with over 500 places in America with populations of 65,000 or more. Places without granular data about Black women or lacking other data points for the analysis were removed to get to the final set of 164 cities. The ranking of the best cities for Black women was based on eight factors: safety, Black population, educational attainment, poverty rates, income, employment, health insurance, and homeownership. Each factor was weighted equally and scaled to a score between 0 and 1. The factors were calculated as follows: Safety (full weight): This metric equally comprises two metrics. Crime cost per capita (50%): This metric is based on the per capita cost of crime calculated in MoneyGeek's Safest Cities series. Racially motivated hate crimes per 1 million people (50%): This metric indicates the number of racially motivated hate crimes for 2022 per 1,000,000 population, with data sourced from the FBI's Crime Data Explorer. Percent of local population that is Black (full weight): This percentage represents the proportion of Black individuals within a city's total population, as reported by the United States Census Bureau's five-year American Community Survey (ACS) from 2021, the most recent data available. Educational attainment (full weight): This metric equally comprises two metrics. High school diploma gap (50%): The difference in percentage points of the rate of female Black high school diploma achievement compared to the national rate of male white high school diploma achievement. Higher education diploma gap (50%): The difference in percentage points of the rate of female Black bachelor's degree or greater educational attainment compared to the national rate of male white bachelor's degree or greater educational attainment. Poverty rate (full weight): The percentage point difference between the city's rate of Black women earning at or above the poverty level and the rate of all women living above the poverty level nationally. This finding comes from the 2021 Census ACS five-year data, the latest available source covering over 200 cities. Income (full weight): This factor equally comprises two metrics. Local Income Gap (50%): The ratio of Black female median income as a percentage of the local median income of white males. National Income Gap (50%): The ratio of Black female median income adjusted for purchasing power as a percentage of the national median income of white males. Employment (full weight): The difference in percentage points between the Black female employment rate and the white male employment rate in the locality. Health insurance (full weight): This metric reveals the percentage point difference between Black women (ages 19-64) and white men (ages 19-64) with health insurance. This information comes from the Census ACS five-year data from 2021, the most recent data source available. Black female homeownership (full weight): This factor comprises three metrics. Local Black homeownership (25%): Proportion of Black-owned homes compared to all local owner-occupied housing. National Black homeownership (25%): Proportion of Black-owned homes compared to all national owner-occupied housing. Mortgage cost percentage relative to income (50%): Black homeowners' monthly costs as a percentage of Black women's median monthly income. The full data set can be found here . This story was produced by MoneyGeek and reviewed and distributed by Stacker Media. MoneyGeek

Orioles manager Brandon Hyde said that the club is planning to have meetings on the organization’s offensive philosophy.