j ye
j ye
j ye
By James Royal, Ph.D., Bankrate.com Cryptocurrencies are enormously volatile, but that volatility can create opportunities for profit if you’re looking to trade these digital assets. Cryptos such as Bitcoin and Ethereum have risen a lot since their debut — but they’ve also experienced tremendous boom-bust cycles along the way. Experienced traders have been speculating on cryptocurrencies for years, but how can you get started if you’re new to the crypto market? Here’s how to start investing in cryptocurrency and the significant risks you need to watch out for. 5 steps for investing in cryptocurrency First things first, if you’re looking to invest in crypto, you need to have all your finances in order. That means having an emergency fund in place, a manageable level of debt and ideally a diversified portfolio of investments . Your crypto investments can become one more part of your portfolio, one that helps raise your total returns, hopefully. Pay attention to these five other things as you’re starting to invest in cryptocurrencies. As you would for any investment, understand exactly what you’re investing in. If you’re buying stocks, it’s important to read the annual report and other SEC filings to analyze the companies thoroughly. Plan to do the same with any cryptocurrencies , since there are literally thousands of them, they all function differently and new ones are being created every day. You need to understand the investment case for each trade. In the case of many cryptocurrencies , they’re backed by nothing at all, neither hard assets nor cash flow of an underlying entity. That’s the case for Bitcoin , for example, where investors rely exclusively on someone paying more for the asset than they paid for it. In other words, unlike stock, where a company can grow its profits and drive returns for you that way, many crypto assets must rely on the market becoming more optimistic and bullish for you to profit. Some of the most popular coins include Bitcoin, Ethereum, Solana , Dogecoin and Tether (a stablecoin) . So before investing, understand the potential upside and downside. If your financial investment is not backed by an asset or cash flow, it could end up being worth nothing. A mistake that many new investors make is looking at the past and extrapolating that to the future. Yes, Bitcoin used to be worth pennies, but now is worth much more . The key question, however, is “Will that growth continue into the future, even if it’s not at quite that meteoric rate?” Investors look to the future, not to what an asset has done in the past. What will drive future returns? Traders buying a cryptocurrency today need tomorrow’s gains, not yesterday’s. The prices of cryptocurrencies are about as volatile as an asset can get. They could drop quickly in seconds on nothing more than a rumor that ends up proving baseless. That can be great for sophisticated investors who can execute trades rapidly or who have a solid grasp on the market’s fundamentals, how the market is trending and where it could go. For new investors without these skills — or the high-powered algorithms that direct these trades — it’s a minefield. Volatility is a game for high-powered Wall Street traders, each of whom is trying to outgun other deep-pocketed investors. A new investor can easily get crushed by the volatility. That’s because volatility shakes out traders, especially beginners, who get scared. Meanwhile, other traders may step in and buy on the cheap. In short, volatility can help sophisticated traders “buy low and sell high” while inexperienced investors “buy high and sell low.” If you’re trading any asset on a short-term basis, you need to manage your risk , and that can be especially true with volatile assets such as cryptocurrency. So as a newer trader, you’ll need to understand how best to manage risk and develop a process that helps you mitigate losses. And that process can vary from individual to individual: Newer traders should consider setting aside a certain amount of trading money and then using only a portion of it, at least at first. If a position moves against them, they’ll still have money in reserve to trade with later. The ultimate point is that you can’t trade if you don’t have any money. So keeping some cash in reserve means you’ll always have a bankroll to fund your trading. It’s important to manage risk, but that will come at an emotional cost. Selling a losing position hurts, but doing so can help you avoid worse losses later. Finally, it’s important to avoid putting money that you need into speculative assets. If you can’t afford to lose it — all of it — you can’t afford to put it into risky assets such as cryptocurrency, or other speculative assets, for that matter. Whether it’s a down payment for a house or an important upcoming purchase, money that you need in the next few years should be kept in safe accounts so that it’s there when you need it. And if you’re looking for an absolutely sure return, your best option is to pay off high-interest debt. You’re guaranteed to earn (or save) whatever interest rate you’re paying on the debt. You can’t lose there. Finally, don’t overlook the security of any exchange or broker you’re using. You may own the assets legally, but someone still has to secure them, and their security needs to be tight. If they don’t think their cryptocurrency is properly secured, some traders choose to invest in a crypto wallet to hold their coins offline so they’re inaccessible to hackers or others. Remember that investing in cryptocurrency can be part of a broader investment strategy, but shouldn’t be your only one. Other ways to invest in cryptocurrency While investing directly in cryptocurrency is popular, traders have other ways to get into the crypto game, some more directly than others. These include: Each of these methods varies in its riskiness and exposure to cryptocurrency, so you’ll want to understand exactly what you’re buying and whether it fits your needs. Cryptocurrency investing FAQs In theory it takes only a few dollars to invest in cryptocurrency. Most crypto exchanges, for example, have a minimum trade that might be $5 or $10. Other crypto trading apps might have a minimum that’s even lower. However, it’s important to understand that some trading platforms will take a huge chunk of your investment as a fee if you’re trading small amounts of cryptocurrency. So it’s important to look for a broker or exchange that minimizes your fees. In fact, many so-called “free” brokers embed fees — called spread mark-ups — in the price you pay for your cryptocurrency. Cryptocurrency is based on blockchain technology . Blockchain is a kind of database that records and timestamps every entry into it. The best way to think of a blockchain is like a running receipt of transactions. When a blockchain database powers cryptocurrency, it records and verifies transactions in the currency, verifying the currency’s movements and who owns it. Many crypto blockchain databases are run with decentralized computer networks. That is, many redundant computers operate the database, checking and rechecking the transactions to ensure that they’re accurate. If there’s a discrepancy, the networked computers have to resolve it. Some cryptocurrencies reward those who verify the transactions on the blockchain database in a process called mining. For example, miners involved with Bitcoin solve very complex mathematical problems as part of the verification process. If they’re successful, miners receive a predetermined award of Bitcoins. To mine Bitcoins , miners need powerful processing units that consume huge amounts of energy. Many miners operate gigantic rooms full of such mining rigs in order to extract these rewards. As of October 2024, running the Bitcoin system burned as much energy per year as the country of Poland. If you’re looking to invest in Bitcoin, you have a variety of ways to do so, and you can work with a number of companies, including: If you’re looking to buy Bitcoin, pay particular attention to the fees that you’re paying. Here are other key things to watch out for as you’re buying Bitcoin . What are altcoins? An altcoin is an alternative to Bitcoin. Many years ago, traders would use the term pejoratively. Since Bitcoin was the largest and most popular cryptocurrency, everything else was defined in relation to it. So, whatever was not Bitcoin was lumped into a catch-all category called altcoins . While Bitcoin is still the largest cryptocurrency by market capitalization by far, it’s no longer the only game in town. Other altcoins such as Ethereum and Solana have grown in popularity, making the term altcoin somewhat outmoded. Now with a reported 15,000 or more cryptocurrencies in existence, it makes less sense than ever to define the industry as “Bitcoin and then everything else.” Bottom line Cryptocurrency is a highly speculative area of the market, and many smart investors have decided to put their money elsewhere. For beginners who want to get started trading crypto, however, the best advice is to start small and only use money that you can afford to lose. Bankrate’s Brian Baker contributed to an update of this story. ©2024 Bankrate.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
Jake Allen is currently having an excellent season with the New Jersey Devils, following his trade from the Montreal Canadiens. Despite sharing playing time with Jacob Markstrom, his performances show that he is excellent. With statistics comparable to those of Markstrom, Allen proves that he can still be a reliable goalie in the NHL. This success raises an intriguing question: would a return of Jake Allen to Montreal be possible? The Canadiens are facing a lack of leadership and uncertainties within their goaltending group. The Return of Jake Allen with the Canadiens? Cayden Primeau is struggling to establish himself, and Samuel Montembeault could benefit from having an experienced veteran by his side. Observer Marc-Olivier Beaudoin recently discussed this possibility on social media. Allen, whose contract expires in a few months, is familiar with the Canadiens' structure and has maintained good relationships with his teammates and coaches. If he were to become available on the free agent market, he could meet the current needs of the Canadiens. Although Allen is not a top-tier goalie like Igor Shesterkin , his profile would be a perfect fit for a number two goalie role. His leadership and consistency could stabilize the goaltending situation in Montreal, while allowing Jacob Fowler to develop quietly in Laval. For the Canadiens, finding a new Jake Allen might prove to be a challenge. However, a potential return of Allen would directly address their needs. The decision rests with the Canadiens' management, who will have to assess if such an acquisition aligns with their long-term plan. This article first appeared on Habs Fanatics and was syndicated with permission.
By TravelPulse (TNS) While 2024 was a year that brought about significant, continued post-pandemic recovery for the travel industry, it was also a period of time marked by instability in some locations around the world. From attacks on the rail lines during the Paris Olympics to the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, not to mention the war in Ukraine, the global travel realm in 2024 was fraught with challenges. It is against this backdrop that the international security and medical services provider Global Guardian recently released its 2025 Global Risk Map. Published annually, the map is meant to help travelers better understand the current global risk landscape. In order to develop its guidance, experts at Global Guardian assess a long list of country-specific security risk factors and indicators, including crime, health, natural disasters, infrastructure, political stability, civil unrest and terrorism. For 2025, Global Guardian’s assessment results underscore the reality that disruption globally and domestically continues to increase, and now more than ever travelers need to be prepared when exploring the world. As part of the latest assessment, Global Guardian highlighted a handful of specific global regions that are at particular risk of destabilization over the next year and beyond. Here’s a closer look at those regions, along with insights from Global Guardian CEO Dale Buckner, who recently spoke with TravelPulse at length about the risks travelers may face in 2025. Here are the regions at risk of destabilization in 2025: Middle East/North Africa Israel’s existential battle against Iran is set to continue into 2025, says the Global Guardian report. “In July 2024, Israel assassinated Hamas’ political leader, Ismail Haniyeh, in an Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) safehouse in Tehran, and Iran has pledged revenge,” the report explains. “This comes as Iran and its web of regional proxies took their war on Israel out of the shadows and into the open following October 7, 2023, with seven live fronts.” Global Guardian also predicts that Israel’s regional war will shift from Gaza to the West Bank and Lebanon in the year ahead, heightening tensions with Hezbollah, while Houthi attacks on commercial shipping in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean will persist. The report adds that as “we enter 2025, Israel may assess that its strategic window to prevent a nuclear Iran is rapidly closing and choose to act.” The ongoing civil war in Sudan between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), is also of concern, according to Global Guardian’s risk analysis. The conflict “has created a dire humanitarian situation with ethnically motivated violence on the rise,” says the report. Latin America Some of the areas of concern in the Latin American region include Venezuela and Mexico, according to Global Guardian. The risk in Venezuela is tied to the country’s long-standing territorial dispute with neighboring Guyana, says the report. “Since 2019, the U.S. Department of State withdrew all diplomatic personnel from U.S. Embassy Caracas and suspended all operations,” explains Buckner. “Violent crimes, such as homicide, armed robbery, kidnapping, and carjacking, are common in Venezuela. Shortages of gasoline, electricity, water, medicine, and medical supplies continue throughout much of Venezuela. Simply put, Venezuela is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for Western travelers and should be avoided.” In Mexico, meanwhile, the problems include drug cartel-related violence and theft, among other issues, says the report. Mexico recently inaugurated its first female president, Claudia Sheinbaum, and like her predecessors she will face challenges “reining in cartel violence, corruption, extortion, theft and kidnapping,” says the report. “As such, security continues to be a top concern in Mexico’ ” says the report, which categorizes Mexico as “high risk” when it comes to travel for 2025. Countries classified as high risk experience regular conflict, criminal activity or civil unrest — and have not effectively managed those risks. The Global Guardian report also suggests there may be heightened risks in Mexico now that Donald Trump has been reelected U.S. president. “Bilateral relations between the U.S. and Mexico could dramatically deteriorate. Trump has promised a mass deportation operation, which could sour relations between the U.S. and Mexico, increasing risks to businesses operating in Mexico,” the report adds. Asked to comment on Mexico’s high-risk designation, Buckner stressed that the situation in the country is extremely nuanced, adding that it’s a vast oversimplification to call the entire country high risk. “There are pockets of Mexico that are wildly safe and wonderful to visit and people shouldn’t hesitate to go,” Buckner told TravelPulse. “And there are also pockets that are unsafe and dangerous.” The good news, added Buckner, is that Mexico’s new president is focusing a great deal of effort and energy on addressing the problems surrounding drug cartels, which are the source of a great deal of the risk. Buckner was quick to add however, that as long as there’s demand for drugs, the drug cartel situation is likely to remain problematic. “The U.S. is driving the drug demand — we consume more drugs then the rest of the world,” explained Buckner. “It’s really overly simplified to paint Mexico as the bad guy, because if there wasn’t demand, we wouldn’t need the supply. But the demand is real and violence comes with that.” Representatives for Global Nexus, a government and public affairs consultancy that advises travel and tourism companies and interests in Southern Mexico, told TravelPulse that while drug-related violence has been known to occur, it involves members of the drug cartel targeting each other, they’re not targeting tourists. “There is an ongoing battle between small drug vendors who use the beach to sell product to tourists hanging out on the beach,” explained Ruben Olmos, Global Nexus president and CEO, in reference to the Quintana Roo region, which is popular with tourists. “There have been cases where gunfire has been exchanged between these groups. They are targeting themselves. They are fighting over ‘This is my beach’ and they initiate a shootout.” However, added Olmos, that the U.S. State Department’s risk categorization for Quintana Roo (which is separate from the Global Guardian risk assessment) has not changed. Located on the State Department’s Mexico page, the risk assessment for Quintana Roo remains in the “Exercise Increased Caution” category, which is below the top risk categories of “Do Not Travel” and “Reconsider Travel.” The Exercise Increased Caution designation means “Be aware of heightened risks to safety and security,” explains the State Department’s website. Olmos also pointed out that Mexico is the only country that has a map on the U.S. State Department website that covers every single state in the country, providing details for travelers about which states are safest. Sub-Saharan Africa In June 2024, thousands of young people took to the streets in Kenya to protest a controversial tax bill. The protesters were met with heavy-handed policing, including the use of live fire and mass arrests, says the Global Guardian risk report. Despite the local security response, protests continued. The success and tenacity of the Kenyan movement has triggered similar protests or dissent in other countries including Uganda, Tanzania, South Africa, and Nigeria, says Global Guardian. That is just a portion of the risk Global Guardian sees for Sub-Saharan Africa over the course of 2025. “With multiple conflicts escalating across the continent, aging leaders leaving behind unclear successions, and entrenched regimes with dissipating legitimacy, Sub-Saharan Africa now looks much like the North African and Arab world in the early 2010s,” says the report. “While the dynamic unfolding in Africa might not yet merit the label of “African Spring,” a significant change to the continent’s political status quo is coming.” A complete list of extreme and high-risk designations Several countries received an extreme or high-risk designation on the new Global Guardian risk map for 2025, including more than a few that are popular with leisure travelers or tourists. Extreme risk countries are those that Global Guardian says are “actively engaged in conflict, while also experiencing severe criminal activity and civil unrest.These countries are insecure; state institutions are too weak to manage militant groups or large-scale disasters.” They include Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Lebanon, Mali, Niger, Somalia, Ukraine, West Bank, Gaza and Yemen. The current list of high-risk countries, which are countries that experience regular conflict, criminal activity or civil unrest and have not effectively managed those risks, includes Bangladesh, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ecuador, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Honduras, Iraq, Israel, Jamaica, Kenya, Libya, Mexico, Mozambique, Myanmar, Nigeria, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, South Sudan, Uganda, Venezuela Officials from the Jamaica Tourist Board provided a statement to TravelPulse in response to Global Guardian’s designation of the country. “Last month, Global Guardian, a private security provider, released its 2025 Global Risk Map, which included Jamaica, amongst other destinations,” said the Tourist Board. “It is important to note that the crime rate against visitors is notably low at 0.01% and the majority of Jamaica’s tourism product remains unaffected.” The country’s tourism officials added that Jamaica has welcomed 3 million visitors this year and boasts a high repeat visitor rate of 42%. “The island is consistently ranked among the top destinations for international travel and visitors continue to come with confidence to enjoy all that Jamaica has to offer,” the statement adds. When it comes to Jamaica, Buckner offered similar comments to those of Mexico, noting that the situation is impacted by drug-related violence and the experience on the ground is nuanced and cannot be painted with a broad brush. “In the same vein as Mexico — Jamaica can be a wonderful place to visit,” says Buckner. “There are pockets of beauty and low crime and as long as you are careful, it’s a very low threat.” Bottom line on travel risks for 2025 Buckner, a retired Army colonel, maintains that the world is indeed a more risky place heading into 2025. The challenges in the Middle East and Ukraine are at the forefront of the instability, but are hardly the only cause for concern. “Israel has now gone to Gaza and cleaned out Hamas, they’re now moving north into Lebanon, and we are convinced Israel will strike Iran,” Buckner said during an interview that took place prior to Israel’s strike on Iran. “If that occurs you are going to see violence across the Middle East.” “But there are over 100 conflicts across the globe,” continues Buckner. When you combine that reality with other challenges the world is currently grappling with, including the destabilizing influences of climate change, there are plenty of risks for travelers to bear in mind when planning a journey for the coming year. He wraps up by offering a few tips for travelers, a check-list of sorts, to work through when planning or considering travel to a specific country in 2025: — If you don’t know who to call or how you are going to negotiate if someone is kidnapped, you shouldn’t go there. — Consumers need to read the fine print on travel insurance because it does not cover war zones, terrorism or natural disasters, says Buckner. And travelers are often surprised and find out too late that these types of events are not covered. — If you get stuck or stranded, if you don’t know who you are going to call to get you out of that situation, know what organizations locally or internationally are available to help you. ©2024 Northstar Travel Media, LLC. Visit at travelpulse.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.PGA drops Vegas from next year's autumn schedule
Deebo Samuel says he's "Not struggling at all just not getting the ball"
The artist Not only has he achieved success in music, but he has also demonstrated his social commitment on one occasion, when he donated a significant sum to the families of the victims of the protests that took place in 2023. This gesture has generated interest in his followers and in the media, who wonder about the scope of his economic empire today. With a career that combines music and entrepreneurship, Yarita Lizeth has become an example of success and resilience, demonstrating that it is possible to achieve goals in different areas of life. Yarita Lizeth and her success as a businesswoman It is known that Yarita Lizeth He shared his story on the program ‘En boca de todos’, where he told how he started working at the age of 15. Likewise, the singer revealed that at 18 she began traveling to different countries, which allowed her to save and start her first business. “I have traveled to Bolivia, Chile, Argentina and Ecuador. Since that year (when I was 18) I saved without spending on vanities. In addition, I had the support of my brothers, because they are my driving force to move forward, and they are the ones who encouraged me to build a hotel and other businesses,” explained the singer, who received the support of her brothers to undertake. It should be noted that among the singer’s endeavors are: a three-star hotel, a cevicheria restaurant and a karaoke-disco . Each of these businesses reflects their dedication and effort in the business field. What businesses do you own? Yarita Lizeth? The Balcones Hotel located in the heart of Juliaca, is a majestic nine-story establishment that the singer acquired thanks to her savings accumulated during her musical career. This three-star hotel offers rooms decorated in warm tones, with large beds and comfortable furniture, providing a pleasant experience to its guests. This is what Yarita Lizeth’s hotel rooms look like. Photo: diffusion Coco Bongo Cevicheria was promoted by Yarita Lizeth during the COVID-19 pandemic. This 400 square meter establishment not only offers a variety of dishes, but also presents live shows, where the singer gets directly involved with her diners. The Club Roma nightclub this place has seven floors and is another of the artist’s businesses. This place has become a meeting point for music and dance lovers, where Yarita Lizeth holds presentations and special events. On the other hand, Yarita Lizeth has demonstrated its commitment to its community by donating S/50,000 to families affected by the past protests in Puno. Through her social networks, the singer expressed her desire to help those who have suffered losses and those hospitalized. “Hopefully this small contribution will help cover expenses,” he wrote on his official Facebook account. In addition to your donations, the singer has supported the protesters, lending its bus to facilitate the transfer of protesters from Juliaca to Lima. His active participation in the marches has generated a great impact on his public image, consolidating his role as a support figure for his community. Join our entertainment channelHorse and cattle owners see shortage of veterinarians willing to take the reins of large animal care
NoneIs the world more dangerous than ever for travelers? A global risk expert weighs inProperty mogul Nick Candy DEFECTS from Conservatives to Reform to be Nigel Farage’s new chief fundraiser
Mexico’s new president, Claudia Sheinbaum, took office a little over a month ago. She arrived at the National Palace enjoying widespread support, with a significant majority in the country’s legislature, the Congress of the Union, and with the endorsement of Morena, Mexico’s new hegemonic political party. Sheinbaum sparked excitement among capitalists and the political elite, as her governance is projected to be more “rational” and business-friendly than that of her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). But her plans have been overshadowed by the new terrain developing in the wake of Donald Trump’s triumph at the ballot box. Many were relieved by Sheinbaum’s more moderate rhetoric and less “populist” style compared to those of her predecessor. AMLO built his popularity on social programs and policies, presenting himself as a populist, anti-neoliberal leader with strong grassroots support since the 2006 protests against electoral fraud. His presidential style combined progressive rhetoric, reminiscent of other Latin American “pink tide” governments of the last two decades. He sought to foster a direct relationship with the masses by traveling across the nation and holding daily morning press conferences in which he spoke directly to the people. Each day, he antagonized the opposition, as well as key centers of political power, such as the press, the Spanish monarchy, and even the government of Javier Milei in Argentina. This allowed him to strengthen his link with the working class and the oppressed. Jorge Zepeda Patterson, author of a recent biography of Sheinbaum, enthusiastically praised the new president : She projects a professional, scientific, and modern image of public administration, and she has the vision and capabilities to adjust, fine-tune, and improve the 4T in its second generation.” This “improvement and adjustment” could be discerned by the inclusion in the cabinet of figures who are less “confrontational” in the eyes of the business community and the opposition, for example, figures such as Marcelo Ebrard and José Ramón De La Fuente in the strategic positions of Economy and Foreign Affairs. All the while, she has deployed a discourse oriented to empathize with sectors of the women’s movement. The media highlights all this as the establishment of a more “dialogic” way of governing, that is, a government more open to compromises with the capitalists. Undoubtedly, the meeting Sheinbaum held with business leaders and her multiple nods to the economic establishment are aimed at giving the capitalist class some peace of mind. 1 This contrasts with the attitude toward the searching mothers, whom Sheinbaum has not yet received, or with the denial of the extreme violence in Chiapas, where attacks on indigenous, Zapatista, and non-Zapatista communities are multiplying. jQuery('#footnote_plugin_tooltip_86193_1_1').tooltip({ tip: '#footnote_plugin_tooltip_text_86193_1_1', tipClass: 'footnote_tooltip', effect: 'fade', predelay: 0, fadeInSpeed: 200, delay: 400, fadeOutSpeed: 200, position: 'top right', relative: true, offset: [10, 10], }); If, during AMLO’s six-year term, Mexico’s biggest companies maintained and increased their profits (which was never in question according to his priorities), the Sheinbaum administration would maintain the line of corporate-friendly continuity, but with a style far from the polarization of the Obrador administration. This change, however, will not necessarily be an advantage. In the case of AMLO, his rhetoric against neoliberalism and in defense of national sovereignty helped him galvanize broad popular support and avoid splitting many of his voters, who questioned whether militarization, labor precariousness, and the continuity of bureaucracy in the unions were at all progressive. Given the danger of the neoliberal opposition’s return, it was better to maintain support, at least critical, for AMLO, the lesser evil as it were. This is something that most analysts do not consider, because they are concerned about avoiding polarization and building the so-called democratic dialogue between the government’s supporters and its opposition. It must be considered, then, that a more technocratic and modern government (in the sense that Patterson and others understand it) will have fewer tools to deal with the popular discontent that Sheinbaum’s administration will face, even more so if, as it is expected, political circumstances will harshen under a Trump administration. Sheinbaum and her team were surely counting on the smooth continuation of an economic and political status quo, one that appeared to be stable at the end of AMLO’s government, thanks to the hegemony achieved by the latter and the weakness of the conservative opposition. But, in light of the complications appearing on the horizon, these may be pipe dreams. For the time being, Sheinbaum’s day-to-day life during the first month of her term was marked by the consequences of the last major reform bequeathed to her by AMLO, a controversial judicial reform that allowed judges to be elected by popular vote instead of appointed, a reform that left deep political polarization in its wake. It led to a judicial strike of several weeks, the resignation of most of the Supreme Court judges, the judiciary’s attempts to declare the reform unconstitutional — which for now has not happened — and threats to take the case to international courts. All this reflects a crisis that shows no sign of resolving and that will mark the first period of the new government. After all this confrontation, the Morena party has maintained its refusal to negotiate the reform with the conservative opposition. If this was the contentious backdrop to Mexico’s national politics in October, we can now say that when it rains, it pours. Donald Trump’s triumph has generated much concern in the government and among political and economic analysts, including several who have no sympathy for the Fourth Transformation, or 4T, another often used term to refer to the Morena party. They all agree that we are facing a supercharged Trump 2.0, who will try to renegotiate the United States–Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), the most recent North American free trade agreement, in force since 2020. With this renegotiation, the Trump administration will likely attempt to put a stranglehold on China — whose investment in Mexico has grown more than official data acknowledges, as stated by Enrique Dussel Peters here — and impose even stronger rules of origin, or the criteria to determine a product’s country of origin. Mexico is the United States’ main trading partner. At the same time, Trump will likely promote measures to keep manufacturing in the U.S., which would dampen the hopes created by nearshoring, promoted first by AMLO and now by Sheinbaum. All this would take place amid a major toughening of anti-immigrant policies, which may involve not only closing the borders and the massive deportation of undocumented immigrants, but also the expulsion of millions of beneficiaries of different legalization programs, such as DACA. There will likely also be new demands to ramp up the so-called war on drugs, whose imperialist discourse is that Mexico “allows” fentanyl to enter the United States. Trump promised that he will bomb fentanyl laboratories in Mexico, blockade Mexican ports that transport its chemical components, and designate Mexican cartels as terrorist organizations. Trump intends to keep this at the top of his agenda for Mexico, which also allows him to please his social and electoral base. This will encourage the strengthening of anti-immigrant paramilitaries on the border as a companion to the police and armed forces. As Elias Camhaji recently noted , In terms of trade, their strategy for updating the USMCA is very protectionist. There may be very strong pressures for the negotiation, and China’s presence [in Latin America] may weaken. What worries me is nearshoring. Trump will push for manufacturing investments to stay in some U.S. states to energize the economy and give the perception that he is doing something. The issue of tariffs is another constant threat to coerce Mexico into doing what he wants on all issues, including security. The fentanyl issue is the most important. Trump has oscillated between military invasion and drones to pressure Mexico. It would really be a problem and a very serious intervention, although it is the least possible scenario. In view of this, the Sheinbaum, after Trump’s victory, managed to say only that “there is no reason for concern.” Meanwhile, the peso fell to its worst levels in two years. It is evident that Morena is trying to plan for the possible consequences, and to devise how to face a much more difficult scenario than expected in its relationship with the country’s powerful trading partner to the north. Trump will take office in a much more convulsive international context than that of his first presidency. As a recent article puts it , “Wars of all kinds have become more common and lethal around the world in recent years, and conflict between superpowers (a concern that had largely subsided in the post–Cold War era) has returned to the forefront of the agenda.” In this context, Trump will likely strengthen control over the “vital space” and deploy protectionist measures to put a brake on the United States’ main competitor, China. To this end, Trump can count on an institutional strength superior to the one he had in 2016: he has a majority in the Senate and the House of Representatives, as well as in the Supreme Court, which is no minor thing, considering that some of the Mexico policies he tried to adopt in his first term were blocked. Regarding plans to close the border, Antonio Sarukhán, former ambassador to the U.S., said rather bluntly , Would the courts, the Congress, the agro-exporting states (mostly Republican), or the reality of the costs of such a decision slow it down? Unquestionably. But this does not cancel out what we will see: deportations of tens of thousands of migrants at the beginning of his administration, provoking terror and dislocation in the Mexican diaspora and a social, economic, and public security crisis in the Mexican border municipalities and states, triggering another diplomatic confrontation. Under the Biden administration, anti-immigrant policies were strengthened in the name of fighting the “war on drugs.” With Trump, this will only continue and will also be accompanied by a greater demonization of Mexico and migrants, exceeding even what we saw in 2016–20, with new xenophobic and racist attacks. A preview of this was seen in his campaign, when Trump said that Haitians residing in Springfield, Ohio, were eating the community’s pets, encouraging neo-Nazi marches aimed at terrorizing migrants. In addition, mass deportations will have an economic effect on Mexico. With more than 30 million Mexicans and their descendants living in the United States, remittances are a critical source of income for many families in Mexico. In 2023, the Bank of Mexico reported remittance income at $63.313 billion, representing 4 percent of GDP. At the same time, the new administration will seek to deepen (even more!) the commitment to the so-called war on drugs and the fight against migration, all of which requires greater militarization in Mexico. The military will be used to “combat drug trafficking” (which has already left a trail of hundreds of thousands of dead and disappeared) and to stop the influx of international workers coming into Mexico in order to cross its border in the United States from Central America, the Caribbean, and South America. This, all the while guaranteeing the economic interests of the imperialist companies that plunder natural resources and whose links to “organized crime” groups have been widely documented. Also inevitable is a renegotiation of the USMCA, in which the threat of sanctions is intended to force even more favorable conditions for U.S. and Canadian companies. All this shows that the proclaimed economic integration of the North American economies is built on the subordination of Mexico, with the increasing precariousness of its labor force. Wages in Mexico, although they saw an increase under AMLO, are far from livable, and they are well below those of the U.S. and Canada. Transnational corporations rely on these asymmetric conditions to extract further superprofits for themselves. Overall, under the Trump administration, Mexico’s subordination to U.S. imperialism and its economic, political, and military interests will expand. In his first telephone call to Mexico, Trump told Sheinbaum, “There is the issue of the border.” She said goodbye with a friendly “See you soon,” while announcing her participation in the G20 summit, the main annual meeting of imperialist and emerging countries. She seeks to repeat AMLO’s formula: what her close circle calls appealing to the “transactionalist” spirit of the Republicans. Marcelo Ebrard, secretary of economy in Mexico, is anticipated to play a leading role in this. It is assumed that he will be of help thanks to his ties with major economic power through his diplomatic experience, enabling him to negotiate the terms of the difficult relationship ahead. But the AMLO-Trump relationship (and, after that, AMLO-Biden) did not lead to a negotiation between equals. The Mexican government accepted a renegotiation of the USMCA that allowed greater U.S. interference in the country. And this was accompanied by a new cycle of militarization, which deepened that of former Mexican presidents Calderón and Peña Nieto, from the conservative party. The “progressive” AMLO created the National Guard, which threw away AMLO’s campaign promises to return the military to its barracks and signaled another clear alignment and bending toward Washington’s demands. And let’s not forget that militarization was a direct result of agreements with Trump first and Biden later, that Mexico acts as a buffer state for the U.S. The National Guard under AMLO was responsible for repressing migrants on the southern border and receiving, on the Mexican side of the border wall, tens of thousands of deportees. This, while real state crimes were perpetrated, such as the killing of 41 migrants in the fire at the Ciudad Juárez immigration station. Now, given Trump’s reelection, the results of accepting imperialist demands will be worse. This is the result of the 4T’s “progressive” politics: beyond its nationalist rhetoric, Morena maintained the basis of dependent capitalism and has not challenged the recolonization of Mexico by U.S. imperialism, guaranteed by the previous governments of the conservative and neoliberal PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) and PAN (National Action Party). The convulsive changes in the international situation encourage the most reactionary tendencies in U.S. imperialism, which in these circumstances will seek to tighten the chains with which it subordinates the countries of Latin America. Mexico, far from being an equal trading partner, is considered by the imperialists to be their backyard. A fundamental challenge is to build a political alternative that raises the banners of anti-imperialism and internationalism, based on the unity of Mexican workers with the multiethnic working class of the United States and Canada and with the peoples of the region as a whole, to confront imperialist policies. This must be done independently of the Morena government and the right-wing opposition. It must propose full civil, social, and political rights for our migrant brothers and sisters from not just Mexico, but Central America, South America, and the Caribbean, against xenophobia and racism, and against the action of the National Guard and Border Patrol. And to uphold, in contrast to the agreements and treaties built in the interests of the big imperialist transnationals and their local partners, the strategic perspective of economic, political, and social integration for the benefit of the great working-class majorities of North America. This can be achieved only by putting an end to imperialist domination and capitalism, in a socialist and revolutionary perspective, toward building a society without exploiters and exploited. Originally published in Spanish on our sister site La Izquierda Diario Translated by Kimberly Ann Notes [ + ] Donald Trump Imperialism Mexico MORENAThe Miami Hurricanes, who once appeared to be a near-lock for the College Football Playoff, are not playing for a national title. Instead, they will play in the Pop-Tarts Bowl in Orlando. That bowl berth against Iowa State is a let-down for fans with dreams of a sixth national title in their minds, as well as players hoping to compete for a championship. However, Miami’s trip to Orlando and the lead-up to it are still crucial periods for the Hurricanes for multiple reasons. First, it’s a chance for the program to achieve something it has not done in more than two decades: win 11 games. Although the 11th win won’t get them closer to a championship, it is a good sign of the program’s progress over Mario Cristobal’s tenure. It would also end UM’s five-game losing streak in bowls. “We’re not satisfied,” Cristobal said. “We want to win every single game. We won 10. We were close on the other two, but close isn’t good enough. We want progress. We’re hungry and driven to get better, and so that’s what our focus is on: to improving as a football program, to getting better, to moving into the postseason with an opportunity against a great football team like this and putting our best on the field.” There are signs the Hurricanes will show up at close to full strength for the bowl game. Running back Damien Martinez announced he was going to play, and star quarterback Cam Ward said in a video call posted on social media that he intends to play, as well. “We’re trying to win our first bowl game in 20 years,” Ward said in the video, mistaking the length of UM’s long bowl losing streak. “We’re going hard.” Playing in the bowl game also provides the opportunity for the Hurricanes to get in several practices between now and the game. That means Miami can develop its young players and prepare them for next season during both the practices and the bowl game itself. “It’s extremely valuable,” Cristobal said. “You really don’t have many opportunities throughout the course of the year — time is limited more and more each season with your student-athletes. I want to state this and be very clear: it’s very important, it’s ultra-important for the University of Miami to continue to develop and grow and progress by stressing the importance of offseason opportunities ... You learn a lot about your team and learn a lot about your people and your program when you head to the postseason.” Of course, there are potential negatives. Players can get hurt; Mark Fletcher Jr. suffered a foot injury in the Pinstripe Bowl last year that cost him all of spring practice. A poor performance can also potentially set the tone for next season, like how Florida State, fresh off a playoff snub last year, suffered a devastating loss against Georgia in the Orange Bowl and went on to a dismal 2-10 season this year. “This is the ending of ’24 and the beginning of ’25,” Cristobal said. “This is the last opportunity to be on the field and carry some momentum into the offseason. So it is, in essence, it is the most important game because it’s the next game. “There’s a lot of excitement in the form of opportunity for our guys. Our guys love to play football. The chance to play one more time with this special group — this is a special group of guys now. They’ve worked hard to really change the trajectory of the University of Miami, and they want to continue to elevate the status and the culture at the University of Miami. So certainly a ton to play for.” ©2024 South Florida Sun Sentinel. Visit at sun-sentinel.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.None
NASA announced the latest delay in Butch Wilmore and Suni Williams' homecoming Tuesday. The two test pilots planned to be away just a week or so when they blasted off June 5 on Boeing's first astronaut flight to the International Space Station. Their mission grew from eight days to eight months after NASA decided to send the company's problem-plagued Starliner capsule back empty in September. Listen now and subscribe: Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS Feed | SoundStack | All Of Our Podcasts Now the pair won't return until the end of March or even April because of a delay in launching their replacements, according to NASA. A fresh crew needs to launch before Wilmore and Williams can return and the next mission was bumped more than a month, according to the space agency. NASA's next crew of four was supposed to launch in February, followed by Wilmore and Williams' return home by the end of that month alongside two other astronauts. But SpaceX needs more time to prepare the new capsule for liftoff. That launch is now scheduled for no earlier than late March. NASA said it considered using a different SpaceX capsule to fly up the replacement crew in order to keep the flights on schedule. However, it decided the best option was to wait for the new capsule to transport the next crew. NASA prefers to have overlapping crews at the space station for a smoother transition, according to officials. Most space station missions last six months, with a few reaching a full year.
Powering The NVM And Embedded Chip Security Technologies
99-yard kick-off return stuns NFL The Cowboys' Kavonte Turpin turned the game on its head with just three minutes to go against the Commanders.The Bhumjaithai Party has opposed a bill proposed by the ruling Pheu Thai Party to amend the Defence Ministry Administration Act, which is seen as a bid to curb the military's ability to stage a coup d'etat . Bhumjaithai leader Anutin Charnvirakul said on Monday that he did not think the bill would prevent a putsch, adding that politicians must not create conditions that the military may use as an excuse to stage a coup. "There are only a few conditions for coups. Such conditions stem mostly from politicians. If we don't create them, coups are unlikely to occur," said Mr Anutin, also the interior minister. "Whatever law will be enacted, if a coup takes place, the first thing for the coup-makers is to tear up the constitution," he said. "All politicians should do is to carry out their duties with honesty and integrity and avoid causing divisions." He said Bhumjaithai, a government coalition partner, will not vote for the bill if it is tabled in parliament. "I have witnessed several coups in the past since the Chatichai Choohavan administration was ousted by one in 1991. Coups can be avoided if certain conditions do not occur," Mr Anutin said. Defence Minister Phumtham Wechaiyachai on Monday tried to downplay concern that the bill would reduce the military's power and create conflict between the government and the armed forces. He said the bill is now being scrutinised by a government screening panel and the Council of Defence. "Feedback will be sought," said Mr Phumtham, also a deputy prime minister. "There is no intention to seize the military's power. There are rules and regulations governing the military." Asked if the bill would upset the military and potentially lead to a conflict with the government, Mr Phumtham said the government and the military have been on good terms, adding that military personnel at the Defence Ministry have supported his work. Under the bill, a cabinet-appointed committee would be empowered to consider and appoint generals instead of allowing armed forces commanders to appoint officials close to them as generals. In addition, the prime minister would be the Defence Council chairperson instead of the defence minister. The bill also added criteria that must be met by all those seeking to become generals under Section 25, including not being known for exerting undue influence or having links to illicit drugs, human trafficking or destruction of natural resources and the environment. Other qualifications include not being under disciplinary investigation or criminal prosecution, except for offences committed through negligence, defamation or minor offences. They must also not be a contractual party with any unit under the Ministry of Defence or conduct business or activities related to the ministry. In addition, the bill amends Section 35 by adding a prohibition on the use of military force or military personnel in cases of seizing or controlling the government's administrative power. It was also stipulated that military officers ordered to lead such acts had the right not to comply and risked being considered a party to violating military criminal law. It also increases the penalty for military officers who violate or are found to be preparing to violate Section 35 by temporarily suspending them as ordered by the prime minister to allow for an investigation. The proposed bill will be open to public opinion on the parliament's website until Jan 1.
