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Jimmy Carter, the longest living former president, whose term was marred by the Iran hostage crisis and rampant inflation but who went on to build a humanitarian legacy that was recognized with a Nobel Peace Prize, died Sunday. He was 100. No cause was announced. In February 2023 he entered hospice care. The peanut farmer from Georgia was a virtual unknown when he launched his long-shot 1976 presidential bid that took him from “Jimmy Who?” to his inauguration as the nation’s 39th president. The Democrat took office at a time when the country was still reeling from battles over civil rights, Vietnam, inflation and Watergate. The defining moment of Carter’s presidency, though, is often thought to have occurred Nov. 4, 1979, when Iranian militants seized the U.S. embassy in Tehran and took more than 50 U.S. hostages who were held for 444 days. A rescue mission in April 1980 was a dismal embarrassment, as eight U.S. crewmen died and no hostages were released. Carter left the White House in 1981 at age 56, trounced by Republican Ronald Reagan. A year later, he established the Carter Center in Atlanta with the stated mission of human rights, preventing and resolving conflicts, and improving freedom and democracy. Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002, cited “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” He continued to teach Sunday school at Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains. He and his wife, Rosalynn, traveled to Nashville in 2019 for their 36th project helping build homes with Habitat for Humanity. He and Rosalynn Carter, who died at age 96 on November 19, 2023, were married for 77 years. Jimmy Carter lived in the house he built in 1961 in Plains, Georgia, about two-and-a-half hours south of Atlanta. “Across life’s seasons, President Jimmy Carter, a man of great faith, has walked with God,” Sen. Raphael Warnock , D-Ga., wrote after news of Carter’s deteriorating condition earlier this year. “In this tender time of transitioning, God is surely walking with him.” Life in Plains, Georgia James Earl “Jimmy” Carter Jr. was born on Oct. 1, 1924, to Lillian and James Earl Carter Sr. The father is described by the Plains Historical Preservation Trust as “an insurance broker, farmer, fertilizer dealer, Baptist and Democrat.” They lived in Plains, a town of about 700 people nestled in an area of cotton and peanut fields. Jimmy Carter had ambitions beyond Plains. Inspired by an uncle, he attended the Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. During a visit home, he asked Rosalynn Smith, whose family had known the Carters for years, on a date. Jimmy and Rosalynn, then a college student in Georgia, stayed in touch, and in July, a few weeks after he graduated from the Naval Academy, they were married. It was Adm. Hyman Rickover who would be an influence on Carter’s naval and political career. Rickover ran the nation’s nascent nuclear submarine program, and during their job interview, asked Carter if he had done his best at Annapolis. Carter, who said he graduated 59th in his class of 820, conceded, “I didn’t always do my best.” “He looked around me for a long time,” Carter recalled as recounted by James Wooten in his book, “Dasher.” Then Rickover asked one final question, which Carter said, “I have never been able to forget — or to answer. He said, ‘Why not?’ I sat there for a while shaken, and then slowly left the room.” Carter went on to work for Rickover, and “Why Not the Best?” became a Carter catchphrase, the title of his 1976 campaign autobiography. He would often cite Rickover as one of the greatest influences on his life. Carter’s Navy career was short-lived. His father died in 1953, and his family needed him to run the business in Plains. Rosalynn protested, but the family headed back to Georgia. Entering state politics Carter won a state Senate seat in 1962, and in 1966 ran for governor. It was a long shot. The civil rights movement was redefining Southern politics. The changes rocked Georgia, and Lester Maddox, who had gained fame when he pushed potential Black customers away from his Atlanta cafeteria with an ax handle, would beat Carter in the Democratic gubernatorial primary. Carter returned to Plains, devastated and introspective.“ At a crossroads, he turned increasingly for solace to his faith,” wrote Peter Bourne in his biography of Carter. “There followed a series of events that would reshape both his relationship with his faith and the central guiding motivation in his life.” With the help of his sister, Ruth, an evangelist, Carter “was recommitting himself to Christ, through deep ongoing study and meditation about Christ’s life.” Through this study, Bourne wrote, “he sought to gain the fullest possible understanding of what the Christian message meant in modern life.” When he ran again for governor in 1970, Carter publicly softened his stance toward segregationists. He had kinder words for Maddox and defended all-white academies, where many whites fled as public schools became integrated. Once elected, though, Carter made it clear he would be a scion of the new, inclusive South. “No poor, rural, weak or Black person should ever have to bear the additional burden of being deprived of the opportunity of an education, a job or simply justice,” he said in his inaugural address — stunning words from a Georgia governor at the time. He hung a portrait of Martin Luther King Jr. outside his office at the state Capitol. By the early 1970s, national politics was in turmoil. Richard Nixon won 49 states in 1972, leaving Democratic nominee George McGovern and his party dazed with no clear path forward. McGovern was boosted by his anti-Vietnam War stance, but the war was winding down. Unknown, but not for long It was a time of enormous uncertainty. Runaway inflation, and later long lines for gasoline, rocked the economy. Nixon would be dogged by the Watergate scandal and resigned in August 1974. Trust in government was sinking. Along came Jimmy Carter. He announced his campaign for the White House in December 1974 in Washington, and few paid attention. But top aide Hamilton Jordan had a plan, and Carter presented himself as not only a fresh voice unencumbered by Washington tradition or scandal, but as a politician with a strong moral compass. He campaigned as a calm antidote to the turmoil of Washington. “I will never lie to you,” Carter told voters. It worked. He beat President Gerald Ford in a close election, and on Inauguration Day 1977 vowed to set a new course and new standard. He, Rosalynn and daughter Amy stepped out of their limousine during the parade down Pennsylvania Avenue and walked. He later addressed the nation in 1977 wearing a sweater. Carter’s initial priority would be energy efficiency to ease what he called “the moral equivalent of war” in a speech to the nation three months after he took office. Carter won some important battles. He was able to open relations with mainland China, secure approval of a treaty to end U.S. control of the Panama Canal, and perhaps most significantly, broker a historic peace accord between Israel and Egypt after nearly two weeks of talks at Camp David. Issues with the economy But the nation’s turmoil persisted. The economy remained shaky, and by the end of his term inflation and interest rates were hitting double-digit levels. Gas lines reappeared in many places in 1979. Carter was able to secure an arms control agreement with the Soviet Union, but Senate efforts to ratify it were thwarted by anger over the Soviet Union’s 1979 Afghanistan invasion. Carter appeared more and more to be losing control. He and his top advisers retreated to Camp David in the summer of 1979 to reassess how to run the government, and when it ended Carter delivered what came to be called the “malaise speech.” He told the nation, “We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation.” The speech only exacerbated his political problems. Though Congress was run by Democrats, leaders were cool to Carter, and by late 1979, Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts announced he would challenge the president for the party’s nomination. The Mariel Boatlift Carter’s election-year problems faced another daunting challenge: the Mariel Boatlift. The administration had been seeking better ties with Cuban President Fidel Castro, and in April 1980 Castro said Cubans could leave. But Castro opened his country’s mental health facilities and prisons, and they flocked to South Florida. The White House was uncertain how to deal with the situation. On May 6, 1980, in an address to the nation, Carter declared a state of emergency in the areas of Florida most “severely affected” by the exodus, and an “open heart and open arms” policy to all refugees fleeing Cuba. Miami was overwhelmed with the refugees. Many were criminals. The boatlift ended in October, but Carter suffered political damage. Carter won his party’s nomination that summer, but only after a bitter battle with Kennedy. He ran against the upbeat, optimistic Reagan, losing 44 states as he became the first elected president to lose a reelection bid since Herbert Hoover in 1932. The Iran hostages were released minutes after Reagan was sworn into office. Carter went back to Plains. The Carter Center would become a popular site for international forums. It also took on a mission to spread Carter’s vision for fighting poverty and hunger. Global 2000 was a bid to boost food production in Africa. Prolific author Carter became a prolific author, writing about a variety of topics from memoirs to treatises on the Middle East to “Our Endangered Values: America’s Moral Crisis.” Among his books: “The Craftsmanship of Jimmy Carter.” “I like to see what I have done, what I have made,” Carter said. “The pleasure does not fade as the years go by; in fact, with age my diminished physical strength has eliminated some of the formerly competing hobbies and made woodworking even more precious to me.” He and Rosalynn were very involved with Habitat for Humanity and worked on their 36th project in 2019. They first volunteered with the organization, which helps build homes in the U.S. and overseas, near their home in Georgia in March 1984. On February 18, 2023, following a series of short hospital stays, the Carter Center released a statement that Carter “decided to spend his remaining time at home with his family and receive hospice care instead of additional medical intervention.” Carter is survived by children John William “Jack,” James Earl III “Chip,” Donnel “Jeff” Jeffrey and Amy Lynn, 11 grandchildren and 14 great-grandchlldren. A grandson died in 2015. ©2024 The Charlotte Observer. Visit charlotteobserver.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.Cantor initiated coverage on Aquestive Therapeutics, Inc . AQST , a pharmaceutical company with five commercialized products. The company also collaborates with pharmaceutical companies to bring new molecules to market using its technologies, like PharmFilm. Aquestive is advancing a late-stage proprietary product candidate for severe allergic reactions, including anaphylaxis, and an earlier-stage epinephrine prodrug topical gel for various dermatology conditions. Cantor highlights that the company’s secret sauce is focused on the PharmFilm technology, which delivers active pharmaceutical ingredients via oral routes (e.g., buccal, sublingual, and lingual). The core focus of the story right now is Anaphylm, which is in pre-NDA stage development for Type 1 allergic reactions. Cantor initiates with an Overweight rating and a price forecast of $17 . Also Read: Optimism Around Aquestive As it Moves Forward With Severe Allergy, Baldness Candidate Earlier this month, the company reaffirmed the New Drug Application first quarter 2025 submission guidance for Anaphylm and confirmed that no additional adult clinical trials are necessary before NDA submission. The company has commenced pediatric trials in the U.S. and Canada . Cantor writes that Aquestive shares are trading well below estimated peak sales for Anaphylm despite the company producing significant data supporting its comparable profile to epinephrine auto-injectors (and, in some situations, improvements). “We’d be buyers for the potential of this program alone and think shares could be up >200% in 2025 if approved,” the Cantor analyst writes. Cantor writes that Anaphylm’s sublingual epinephrine could shake up the epinephrine auto-injector market as: The product is highly portable, about the size of a postage stamp, and can fit in a pocket or behind a cell phone. It may be quicker and easier to use than traditional auto-injectors, with fewer steps involved, which could make it more appealing for patients and caregivers. Anaphylm U.S. marketing application submission makes up most of Cantor’s revenue projections for Aquestive. Price Action: AQST stock is up 7.31% at $3.86 at last check Tuesday. Read Next: What’s Going On With AI Drone Company ZenaTech Stock Today? Image: Shutterstock/ Andrey_Popov. © 2024 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved.
SAN JOSE, Calif., Dec. 10, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Nutanix, Inc. ("Nutanix”) (Nasdaq: NTNX), a leader in hybrid multicloud computing, today announced its intention to offer, subject to market conditions and other factors, $750 million aggregate principal amount of convertible senior notes due 2029 (the "notes”) in a private placement (the "offering”) to persons reasonably believed to be qualified institutional buyers pursuant to Rule 144A under the Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the "Securities Act”). Nutanix also expects to grant the initial purchasers of the notes an option to purchase up to an additional $112.5 million aggregate principal amount of the notes within a 13-day period from, and including, the initial issuance date of the notes. The notes will be unsecured senior obligations of Nutanix. Interest will be payable semi-annually in arrears. The notes will mature on December 15, 2029, unless earlier converted, redeemed, or repurchased. The notes will be convertible at the option of holders, subject to certain conditions and during certain periods. Upon conversion, the notes may be settled in cash, shares of Nutanix's Class A common stock or a combination of cash and shares of Nutanix's Class A common stock, at Nutanix's election. The interest rate, initial conversion rate and other terms of the notes are to be determined at the time of the pricing of the offering. Nutanix intends to use the net proceeds from the offering to (i) repurchase a portion of its outstanding 0.25% Convertible Senior Notes due 2027 (the "2027 notes”) concurrently with the pricing of the offering in separate and privately negotiated transactions with certain holders of its 2027 notes (the "concurrent note repurchases”) effected through one of the initial purchasers of the notes or its affiliate, acting as Nutanix's agent, and (ii) repurchase up to $200.0 million of shares of Nutanix's Class A common stock in privately negotiated transactions with institutional investors effected through one of the initial purchasers of the notes or its affiliate, acting as Nutanix's agent, at a price per share equal to the last reported sale price of Nutanix's Class A common stock on the Nasdaq Global Select Market on the date of the pricing of the notes (the "Share Repurchase”). Any such Share Repurchase would not reduce the amount available for future repurchases under Nutanix's existing share repurchase program. Nutanix intends to use the remaining net proceeds from the offering for general corporate purposes, including working capital, capital expenditures and potential acquisitions. From time to time, Nutanix evaluates potential acquisitions of businesses, technologies or products. Currently, however, Nutanix does not have any understandings or agreements with respect to any acquisitions. The terms of the concurrent note repurchases are anticipated to be individually negotiated with each holder of the 2027 notes participating in the concurrent note repurchases, and will depend on several factors, including the market price of Nutanix's Class A common stock and the trading price of the 2027 notes at the time of each such concurrent note repurchase. Certain holders of any 2027 notes that Nutanix agrees to repurchase may have hedged their equity price risk with respect to such 2027 notes and may, concurrently with the pricing of the notes, unwind all or part of their hedge positions by buying Nutanix's Class A common stock and/or entering into or unwinding various derivative transactions with respect to Nutanix's Class A common stock. Any repurchase of the 2027 notes, and the potential related market activities by holders of the 2027 notes participating in the concurrent note repurchases, together with the repurchase by Nutanix of any of its Class A common stock concurrently with the pricing of the notes, could increase (or reduce the size of any decrease in) the market price of Nutanix's Class A common stock, which may affect the trading price of the notes at that time and the initial conversion price of the notes. Nutanix cannot predict the magnitude of such market activity or the overall effect it will have on the price of the notes or its Class A common stock. No assurance can be given as to how much, if any, of the 2027 notes or the Class A common stock will be repurchased or the terms on which they will be repurchased. Neither the notes nor the shares of Nutanix's Class A common stock potentially issuable upon conversion of the notes, if any, have been, or will be, registered under the Securities Act or the securities laws of any other jurisdiction, and unless so registered, may not be offered or sold in the United States, except pursuant to an applicable exemption from, or in a transaction not subject to, such registration requirements. This announcement is neither an offer to sell nor a solicitation of an offer to buy any of these securities and shall not constitute an offer, solicitation, or sale in any jurisdiction in which such offer, solicitation, or sale is unlawful. About Nutanix Nutanix is a global leader in cloud software, offering organizations a single platform for running applications and managing data, anywhere. With Nutanix, companies can reduce complexity and simplify operations, freeing them to focus on their business outcomes. Building on its legacy as the pioneer of hyperconverged infrastructure, Nutanix is trusted by companies worldwide to power hybrid multicloud environments consistently, simply, and cost-effectively. Forward-Looking Statements This press release includes forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, including statements regarding Nutanix's financing plans, Nutanix's ability to complete the offering, the timing and size of the offering, the concurrent note repurchases and the Share Repurchase, Nutanix's intended use of the net proceeds of the offering. These statements involve risks and uncertainties that could cause actual results to differ materially, including, but not limited to, whether Nutanix will be able to consummate the offering, the final terms of the offering, the satisfaction of customary closing conditions with respect to the offering of the notes, prevailing market conditions, the anticipated use of the net proceeds of the offering of the notes, which could change as a result of market conditions or for other reasons, and the impact of general economic, industry or political conditions in the United States or internationally. Forward-looking statements may be identified by the use of the words "may,” "will,” "expect,” "intend,” and other similar expressions. These forward-looking statements are based on estimates and assumptions by Nutanix's management that, although believed to be reasonable, are inherently uncertain and subject to a number of risks. Actual results may differ materially from those anticipated or predicted by Nutanix's forward-looking statements. All forward-looking statements are subject to other risks detailed in Nutanix's Annual Report on Form 10-K for the fiscal year ended July 31, 2024, and the risks discussed in Nutanix's other filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission. You are cautioned not to place undue reliance on these forward-looking statements, which speak only as of the date hereof. All forward-looking statements are qualified in their entirety by this cautionary statement, and Nutanix undertakes no obligation to revise or update this news release to reflect events or circumstances after the date hereof, except as required by applicable law. © 2024 Nutanix, Inc. All rights reserved. Nutanix, the Nutanix logo, and all Nutanix product and service names mentioned herein are registered trademarks or unregistered trademarks of Nutanix, Inc. ("Nutanix”) in the United States and other countries. Other brand names or marks mentioned herein are for identification purposes only and may be the trademarks of their respective holder(s). This press release is for informational purposes only and nothing herein constitutes a warranty or other binding commitment by Nutanix. Investor Contact: Richard Valera [email protected] Media Contact: Lia Bigano [email protected]The latest Disney live-action remake is about to hit the 2024 movie release calendar , but unlike the films we’ve seen in the past, this one isn’t a straight-forward retelling of an animated classic. Barry Jenkins’ Mufasa: The Lion King is both a sequel and a prequel to the 2019 remake that will explore the origin story of the mighty king and his brother Taka (who would come to be known as Scar). Before the movie’s December 20 release, critics were able to screen the upcoming kid-friendly flick , and now they’re here to give us an idea of what to expect. First reactions to Mufasa: The Lion King were positive, as critics celebrated the improved animation and Lin-Manuel Miranda’s soundtrack . Now that they’re able to expand on their initial thoughts, let’s take a look at what they think of the upcoming Disney movie , starting with CinemaBlend’s review of Mufasa: The Lion King . Eric Eisenberg gives the movie 3 out of 5 stars, calling it “serviceable,” with enough good to outweigh the bad. There is plenty of bad, though, as the story gets buried by an overload of prequel material. He writes: Did you ever wonder how Rafiki got his staff? Or how Pride Rock took shape? I never have, and I’m betting you haven’t either. And yet, Jeff Nathanson’s screenplay is written as though it is filling out a checklist of references to satiate fans hungry for that trivia. Paired with the aforementioned stylistic echoes from the first act, Mufasa: The Lion King holds itself back from feeling like an independent creation by being overly beholden to its predecessor/s. Matt Singer of ScreenCrush also notes Mufasa ’s compulsion to overexplain every aspect of the first movie, and while turning Mufasa’s rise to power into its own cinematic experience does make sense, Singer doesn’t understand why Barry Jenkins was the director chosen to do it. The critic rates the film 4 out of 10, saying: While Mufasa dwells on these sorts of irrelevant details, its larger questions go unanswered. Most fundamentally: Why did Barry Jenkins, one of our greatest directors, decide to make a prequel to Jon Favreau’s ‘live-action’ Lion King, which featured eerily realistic but frozen-faced animals? Whatever his reasons, they’re not apparent in the finished movie. I find it hard to believe anyone could look at Mufasa sans credits or context and identify it as ‘A Barry Jenkins Film.’ It is just another cog in the Disney live-action (or ‘live-action’) remake machine, and not particularly engaging one at that. Matt Zoller Seitz of RogerEbert.com gives it 3.5 out of 4 stars, saying that while Barry Jenkins is coloring inside the lines by hitting all of the expected beats of a big studio franchise property, the movie really works. The director alternates from heartwrenching drama to fan-service fun and even shows us new sides of himself through musical numbers and action sequences. The critic continues: These aspects and others make the movie vibrate with personality when, in other hands, it might’ve come across as a rote exercise in intellectual property servicing. Mufasa never quite bursts free of the constraints placed upon it, but those constraints never stop it from moving, or from being moving. It has a signature, rendered with a steady hand. Pete Hammond of Deadline also has good things to say about the “rousing, if not regal” adventure, noting that the return of Timon and Pumbaa is welcome and there are some musical highlights from Lin-Manuel Miranda en route to a majestic conclusion that pays homage to the original. Hammond writes: Shot in the same Live Action photo real CGI technique of the 2019 remake, as well as the earlier Jungle Book remake, this edition is visually stunning, the character work even better as the technology grows. Jenkins is not trying to replicate the legendary versions of this world that dazzled moviegoers, and continues to do so in its own magical ways in the never-ending Broadway and global stage productions. Rather he’s steering it into a non-stop action adventure that barely slows down to breathe. It is one nail biting sequence after another, and parents should beware, PG rating aside, this all might be too intense for the youngest family members, especially with the recurring themes of being separated from family. Aidan Kelly of Collider rates Mufasa: The Lion King 5 out of 10, saying the sequel is better than the 2019 remake with improved visuals and decently catchy songs. However, the story is too predictable and unengaging, and it ultimately feels like another unnecessary remake. More from the critic: Mufasa: The Lion King really did have the amazing opportunity to expand on two iconic characters. Barry Jenkins makes an admirable effort to genuinely improve on a movie that simply had no reason to exist. Still, while Mufasa might have decent visuals and catchy enough songs, its story is where it and the numerous remakes that preceded it struggle. It's another prime example that good effects, good acting, and good music aren't enough when the narrative foundation isn't strong enough. Fans of the franchise and younger generations will find a lot to like about Mufasa: The Lion King, but it's hard to imagine it will have a legacy comparable to the original animated classic that started it all. The critics seem to agree there’s plenty to like in this origin story of two brothers that ultimately led to one of the most tragic Disney deaths , but none was able to call the movie flawless. If you’re looking to hit the theater for Mufasa: The Lion King (or see it in IMAX ), you can do so starting on Friday, December 20. CINEMABLEND NEWSLETTER Your Daily Blend of Entertainment News
BOONE, N.C. (AP) — South Carolina offensive coordinator Dowell Loggains has been hired as head coach at Appalachian State and will receive a five-year contract, athletic director Doug Gillin announced Saturday. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * BOONE, N.C. (AP) — South Carolina offensive coordinator Dowell Loggains has been hired as head coach at Appalachian State and will receive a five-year contract, athletic director Doug Gillin announced Saturday. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? BOONE, N.C. (AP) — South Carolina offensive coordinator Dowell Loggains has been hired as head coach at Appalachian State and will receive a five-year contract, athletic director Doug Gillin announced Saturday. The 44-year-old Loggains replaces Shawn Clark, who was fired Monday after the Mountaineers finished 5-6 for their first losing season since 2013. Loggains was South Carolina’s offensive coordinator for two seasons and an assistant at Arkansas, his alma mater, for two seasons before that. He spent 16 years in the NFL as offensive coordinator and quarterbacks coach for Tennessee, Cleveland, Chicago, Miami and the New York Jets. “He brings experience as a leader and play-caller at the highest levels of professional and college football,” Gillin said. “He is a great recruiter and believes strongly in building relationships. He is aligned with our core values of academic integrity, competitive excellence, social responsibility and world-class experience. This is a great day for App State.” Loggains’ offense at South Carolina featured LaNorris Sellers, one of the nation’s top dual-threat quarterbacks, and running back Raheim “Rocket” Sanders. Sellers and Sanders led the Southeastern Conference’s third-ranked rushing offense. Loggains spent the 2021 and 2022 seasons as Arkansas’ tight ends coach, and he worked with Sam Darnold, Jay Cutler, Mitchell Trubisky, Brian Hoyer and Vince Young during his time in the NFL. The Mountaineers, the preseason favorites in the Sun Belt Conference’s East Division, tied for fifth with a 3-5 record in league play. App State was 40-24 under Clark, but the Mountaineers have failed to reach a bowl game two of the past three seasons. Winnipeg Jets Game Days On Winnipeg Jets game days, hockey writers Mike McIntyre and Ken Wiebe send news, notes and quotes from the morning skate, as well as injury updates and lineup decisions. Arrives a few hours prior to puck drop. ___ Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here. AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football Advertisement Advertisement
Once cold and lonely, ‘snow management’ at Tahoe resorts goes high-tech with lasersTOPEKA, Kan. (AP) — Republicans made claims about illegal voting by noncitizens a centerpiece of their 2024 campaign messaging and plan to push legislation in the new Congress requiring voters to provide proof of U.S. citizenship. Yet there's one place with a GOP supermajority where linking voting to citizenship appears to be a nonstarter: Kansas. That's because the state has been there, done that, and all but a few Republicans would prefer not to go there again. Kansas imposed a proof-of-citizenship requirement over a decade ago that grew into one of the biggest political fiascos in the state in recent memory. The law, passed by the state Legislature in 2011 and implemented two years later, ended up blocking the voter registrations of more than 31,000 U.S. citizens who were otherwise eligible to vote. That was 12% of everyone seeking to register in Kansas for the first time. Federal courts ultimately declared the law an unconstitutional burden on voting rights, and it hasn't been enforced since 2018. Kansas provides a cautionary tale about how pursuing an election concern that in fact is extremely rare risks disenfranchising a far greater number of people who are legally entitled to vote. The state’s top elections official, Secretary of State Scott Schwab, championed the idea as a legislator and now says states and the federal government shouldn't touch it. “Kansas did that 10 years ago,” said Schwab, a Republican. “It didn’t work out so well.” Steven Fish, a 45-year-old warehouse worker in eastern Kansas, said he understands the motivation behind the law. In his thinking, the state was like a store owner who fears getting robbed and installs locks. But in 2014, after the birth of his now 11-year-old son inspired him to be “a little more responsible” and follow politics, he didn’t have an acceptable copy of his birth certificate to get registered to vote in Kansas. “The locks didn’t work,” said Fish, one of nine Kansas residents who sued the state over the law. “You caught a bunch of people who didn’t do anything wrong.” Kansas' experience appeared to receive little if any attention outside the state as Republicans elsewhere pursued proof-of-citizenship requirements this year. Arizona enacted a requirement this year, applying it to voting for state and local elections but not for Congress or president. The Republican-led U.S. House passed a proof-of-citizenship requirement in the summer and plans to bring back similar legislation after the GOP won control of the Senate in November. In Ohio, the Republican secretary of state revised the form that poll workers use for voter eligibility challenges to require those not born in the U.S. to show naturalization papers to cast a regular ballot. A federal judge declined to block the practice days before the election. Also, sizable majorities of voters in Iowa, Kentucky, Missouri, Oklahoma, South Carolina and the presidential swing states of North Carolina and Wisconsin were inspired to amend their state constitutions' provisions on voting even though the changes were only symbolic. Provisions that previously declared that all U.S. citizens could vote now say that only U.S. citizens can vote — a meaningless distinction with no practical effect on who is eligible. To be clear, voters already must attest to being U.S. citizens when they register to vote and noncitizens can face fines, prison and deportation if they lie and are caught. “There is nothing unconstitutional about ensuring that only American citizens can vote in American elections,” U.S. Rep. Chip Roy, of Texas, the leading sponsor of the congressional proposal, said in an email statement to The Associated Press. After Kansas residents challenged their state's law, both a federal judge and federal appeals court concluded that it violated a law limiting states to collecting only the minimum information needed to determine whether someone is eligible to vote. That's an issue Congress could resolve. The courts ruled that with “scant” evidence of an actual problem, Kansas couldn't justify a law that kept hundreds of eligible citizens from registering for every noncitizen who was improperly registered. A federal judge concluded that the state’s evidence showed that only 39 noncitizens had registered to vote from 1999 through 2012 — an average of just three a year. In 2013, then-Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, a Republican who had built a national reputation advocating tough immigration laws, described the possibility of voting by immigrants living in the U.S. illegally as a serious threat. He was elected attorney general in 2022 and still strongly backs the idea, arguing that federal court rulings in the Kansas case “almost certainly got it wrong.” Kobach also said a key issue in the legal challenge — people being unable to fix problems with their registrations within a 90-day window — has probably been solved. “The technological challenge of how quickly can you verify someone’s citizenship is getting easier,” Kobach said. “As time goes on, it will get even easier.” The U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear the Kansas case in 2020. But in August, it split 5-4 in allowing Arizona to continue enforcing its law for voting in state and local elections while a legal challenge goes forward. Seeing the possibility of a different Supreme Court decision in the future, U.S. Rep.-elect Derek Schmidt says states and Congress should pursue proof-of-citizenship requirements. Schmidt was the Kansas attorney general when his state's law was challenged. "If the same matter arose now and was litigated, the facts would be different," he said in an interview. But voting rights advocates dismiss the idea that a legal challenge would turn out differently. Mark Johnson, one of the attorneys who fought the Kansas law, said opponents now have a template for a successful court fight. “We know the people we can call," Johnson said. “We know that we’ve got the expert witnesses. We know how to try things like this.” He predicted "a flurry — a landslide — of litigation against this.” Initially, the Kansas requirement's impacts seemed to fall most heavily on politically unaffiliated and young voters. As of fall 2013, 57% of the voters blocked from registering were unaffiliated and 40% were under 30. But Fish was in his mid-30s, and six of the nine residents who sued over the Kansas law were 35 or older. Three even produced citizenship documents and still didn’t get registered, according to court documents. “There wasn’t a single one of us that was actually an illegal or had misinterpreted or misrepresented any information or had done anything wrong,” Fish said. He was supposed to produce his birth certificate when he sought to register in 2014 while renewing his Kansas driver's license at an office in a strip mall in Lawrence. A clerk wouldn't accept the copy Fish had of his birth certificate. He still doesn't know where to find the original, having been born on an Air Force base in Illinois that closed in the 1990s. Several of the people joining Fish in the lawsuit were veterans, all born in the U.S., and Fish said he was stunned that they could be prevented from registering. Liz Azore, a senior adviser to the nonpartisan Voting Rights Lab, said millions of Americans haven't traveled outside the U.S. and don't have passports that might act as proof of citizenship, or don't have ready access to their birth certificates. She and other voting rights advocates are skeptical that there are administrative fixes that will make a proof-of-citizenship law run more smoothly today than it did in Kansas a decade ago. “It’s going to cover a lot of people from all walks of life,” Avore said. “It’s going to be disenfranchising large swaths of the country.” Associated Press writer Julie Carr Smyth in Columbus, Ohio, contributed to this report.Insurgents reach gates of Syria’s capital, threatening to upend decades of Assad rule
TOPEKA, Kan. (AP) — Republicans made claims about illegal voting by noncitizens a centerpiece of their 2024 campaign messaging and plan to push legislation in the new Congress requiring voters to provide proof of U.S. citizenship. Yet there's one place with a GOP supermajority where linking voting to citizenship appears to be a nonstarter: Kansas. That's because the state has been there, done that, and all but a few Republicans would prefer not to go there again. Kansas imposed a proof-of-citizenship requirement over a decade ago that grew into one of the biggest political fiascos in the state in recent memory. The law, passed by the state Legislature in 2011 and implemented two years later, ended up blocking the voter registrations of more than 31,000 U.S. citizens who were otherwise eligible to vote. That was 12% of everyone seeking to register in Kansas for the first time. Federal courts ultimately declared the law an unconstitutional burden on voting rights, and it hasn't been enforced since 2018. Kansas provides a cautionary tale about how pursuing an election concern that in fact is extremely rare risks disenfranchising a far greater number of people who are legally entitled to vote. The state’s top elections official, Secretary of State Scott Schwab, championed the idea as a legislator and now says states and the federal government shouldn't touch it. “Kansas did that 10 years ago,” said Schwab, a Republican. “It didn’t work out so well.” Steven Fish, a 45-year-old warehouse worker in eastern Kansas, said he understands the motivation behind the law. In his thinking, the state was like a store owner who fears getting robbed and installs locks. But in 2014, after the birth of his now 11-year-old son inspired him to be “a little more responsible” and follow politics, he didn’t have an acceptable copy of his birth certificate to get registered to vote in Kansas. “The locks didn’t work,” said Fish, one of nine Kansas residents who sued the state over the law. “You caught a bunch of people who didn’t do anything wrong.” Kansas' experience appeared to receive little if any attention outside the state as Republicans elsewhere pursued proof-of-citizenship requirements this year. Arizona enacted a requirement this year, applying it to voting for state and local elections but not for Congress or president. The Republican-led U.S. House passed a proof-of-citizenship requirement in the summer and plans to bring back similar legislation after the GOP won control of the Senate in November. In Ohio, the Republican secretary of state revised the form that poll workers use for voter eligibility challenges to require those not born in the U.S. to show naturalization papers to cast a regular ballot. A federal judge declined to block the practice days before the election. Also, sizable majorities of voters in Iowa, Kentucky, Missouri, Oklahoma, South Carolina and the presidential swing states of North Carolina and Wisconsin were inspired to amend their state constitutions' provisions on voting even though the changes were only symbolic. Provisions that previously declared that all U.S. citizens could vote now say that only U.S. citizens can vote — a meaningless distinction with no practical effect on who is eligible. To be clear, voters already must attest to being U.S. citizens when they register to vote and noncitizens can face fines, prison and deportation if they lie and are caught. “There is nothing unconstitutional about ensuring that only American citizens can vote in American elections,” U.S. Rep. Chip Roy, of Texas, the leading sponsor of the congressional proposal, said in an email statement to The Associated Press. After Kansas residents challenged their state's law, both a federal judge and federal appeals court concluded that it violated a law limiting states to collecting only the minimum information needed to determine whether someone is eligible to vote. That's an issue Congress could resolve. The courts ruled that with “scant” evidence of an actual problem, Kansas couldn't justify a law that kept hundreds of eligible citizens from registering for every noncitizen who was improperly registered. A federal judge concluded that the state’s evidence showed that only 39 noncitizens had registered to vote from 1999 through 2012 — an average of just three a year. In 2013, then-Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, a Republican who had built a national reputation advocating tough immigration laws, described the possibility of voting by immigrants living in the U.S. illegally as a serious threat. He was elected attorney general in 2022 and still strongly backs the idea, arguing that federal court rulings in the Kansas case “almost certainly got it wrong.” Kobach also said a key issue in the legal challenge — people being unable to fix problems with their registrations within a 90-day window — has probably been solved. “The technological challenge of how quickly can you verify someone’s citizenship is getting easier,” Kobach said. “As time goes on, it will get even easier.” The U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear the Kansas case in 2020. But in August, it split 5-4 in allowing Arizona to continue enforcing its law for voting in state and local elections while a legal challenge goes forward. Seeing the possibility of a different Supreme Court decision in the future, U.S. Rep.-elect Derek Schmidt says states and Congress should pursue proof-of-citizenship requirements. Schmidt was the Kansas attorney general when his state's law was challenged. "If the same matter arose now and was litigated, the facts would be different," he said in an interview. But voting rights advocates dismiss the idea that a legal challenge would turn out differently. Mark Johnson, one of the attorneys who fought the Kansas law, said opponents now have a template for a successful court fight. “We know the people we can call," Johnson said. “We know that we’ve got the expert witnesses. We know how to try things like this.” He predicted "a flurry — a landslide — of litigation against this.” Initially, the Kansas requirement's impacts seemed to fall most heavily on politically unaffiliated and young voters. As of fall 2013, 57% of the voters blocked from registering were unaffiliated and 40% were under 30. But Fish was in his mid-30s, and six of the nine residents who sued over the Kansas law were 35 or older. Three even produced citizenship documents and still didn’t get registered, according to court documents. “There wasn’t a single one of us that was actually an illegal or had misinterpreted or misrepresented any information or had done anything wrong,” Fish said. He was supposed to produce his birth certificate when he sought to register in 2014 while renewing his Kansas driver's license at an office in a strip mall in Lawrence. A clerk wouldn't accept the copy Fish had of his birth certificate. He still doesn't know where to find the original, having been born on an Air Force base in Illinois that closed in the 1990s. Several of the people joining Fish in the lawsuit were veterans, all born in the U.S., and Fish said he was stunned that they could be prevented from registering. Liz Azore, a senior adviser to the nonpartisan Voting Rights Lab, said millions of Americans haven't traveled outside the U.S. and don't have passports that might act as proof of citizenship, or don't have ready access to their birth certificates. She and other voting rights advocates are skeptical that there are administrative fixes that will make a proof-of-citizenship law run more smoothly today than it did in Kansas a decade ago. “It’s going to cover a lot of people from all walks of life,” Avore said. “It’s going to be disenfranchising large swaths of the country.” Associated Press writer Julie Carr Smyth in Columbus, Ohio, contributed to this report.BOONE, N.C. (AP) — South Carolina offensive coordinator Dowell Loggains has been hired as head coach at Appalachian State and will receive a five-year contract, athletic director Doug Gillin announced Saturday. The 44-year-old Loggains replaces Shawn Clark, who was fired Monday after the Mountaineers finished 5-6 for their first losing season since 2013. Loggains was South Carolina's offensive coordinator for two seasons and an assistant at Arkansas, his alma mater, for two seasons before that. He spent 16 years in the NFL as offensive coordinator and quarterbacks coach for Tennessee, Cleveland, Chicago, Miami and the New York Jets. “He brings experience as a leader and play-caller at the highest levels of professional and college football," Gillin said. "He is a great recruiter and believes strongly in building relationships. He is aligned with our core values of academic integrity, competitive excellence, social responsibility and world-class experience. This is a great day for App State.” Loggains' offense at South Carolina featured LaNorris Sellers, one of the nation's top dual-threat quarterbacks, and running back Raheim “Rocket” Sanders. Sellers and Sanders led the Southeastern Conference's third-ranked rushing offense. Loggains spent the 2021 and 2022 seasons as Arkansas' tight ends coach, and he worked with Sam Darnold, Jay Cutler, Mitchell Trubisky, Brian Hoyer and Vince Young during his time in the NFL. The Mountaineers, the preseason favorites in the Sun Belt Conference's East Division, tied for fifth with a 3-5 record in league play. App State was 40-24 under Clark, but the Mountaineers have failed to reach a bowl game two of the past three seasons. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football