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300 sign up bonus casino philippines real money Please enable JavaScript to read this content. If Geoffrey Kariithi, former head of civil service in Kenyatta and Moi governments was a big tree, Martha Karua was the small axe that fell him. A towering figure not just in Kirinyaga but also nationally, Kariithi had upon retiring from the civil service joined politics, was elected MP Gichugu in 1988 and appointed assistant minister for tourism. When the winds of change swept the country and multiparty was reintroduced, Kariithi quit KANU, decamping to Ford, which eventually split into Ford Kenya and Ford Asili. He had no idea that a young lawyer going by the name Martha Njoka, and who had schooled with his daughter Liz, was ready to take him on, and retire him for good. First they sized up each other in the Ford Asili nominations, and Kariithi got the upper-hand. Determined, Martha crossed to Democratic Party (DP) and moved for the kill in the main election. My decision to run was received well by many. However, it was also met with a measure of skepticism by, among others, some of my professional colleagues, who wondered whether I could make it in the murky world of politics. It did not escape my attention that similar declarations of intent to run by my male colleagues were met with affirmation, not skepticism. I realised then that even among colleagues, some still considered elective politics a preserve for men. This was but a warning of what lay ahead; double standards in the treatment of women seeking space at the political table. I remember some of my senior colleagues in the newly formed political party, Ford, opining that I ought to have sought their express support before declaring my intention to run. I didn’t quite understand why this was necessary since they, too, were first- time aspirants just as I was. While we could give one another mutual support, I did not understand why I was being treated as the underdog. Thankfully, there were many, especially among the young lawyers, who supported me morally and financially. My circle of female friends, notably Ms Beatrice Nduta, Martha Koome, Ms Gladwell Wanja Kaara (the late) and Ms Terry Kantai took turns accompanying me to Gichugu for engagements, especially at the introductory stage of my campaign. In Gichugu, my consolation came mainly from women, the youth and the few men who encouraged and affirmed my candidature and believed in my nascent dream. Family support has been and continues to be the bedrock of the strides I have made in politics and leadership. Stay informed. Subscribe to our newsletter My family, especially my parents, endured marginalisation and even outright hostility in social circles, particularly in the early days of my entry into politics. Despite this, they stood by me. Their solid support helped me through a gruelling and back-breaking campaign against an established competitor, who then enjoyed the support of the local administration and security agencies. The start of this journey was rough and tough. But who said that life is meant to be easy? In Ford, curiously, women were hardly ever given opportunities to speak at rallies, despite having seats on the podium, yet men many of whom had name recognition-were given party positions at the drop of a hat, not to mention speaking opportunities that enhanced their visibility wherever we went for campaigns. I realised that I needed to claim my space or fade into oblivion. In our first Ford rally in Nairobi, I sat patiently at the dais, waiting for my chance to speak. As I waited, I realised that the master of ceremonies was prioritising politicians who had hurriedly abandoned the ruling party Kanu, to seek space within the ranks of the nascent Opposition. Suddenly, I heard Geoffrey Kariithi, who had just resigned from Kanu, and his Gichugu parliamentary seat, called to the podium as the next speaker. He was set to be one of my foremost competitors for the Gichugu parliamentary seat. Changing the narrative Even though I had already been a long-serving member of the struggle, this fact was being overlooked, and a newcomer was receiving preferential treatment. I shot up from my seat and briskly walked towards the Master of Ceremony, Kimani Wanyoike as if he had just called out my name Mr Wanyoike, a renowned political player of the time and an astute politician, on seeing me, realised I was determined to beat the scheme hatched to overshadow me. He at once conveyed “my greetings” to the huge crowd, who reacted with a thunderous applause. I went up to him, looked him straight in the eye and firmly but politely asked/ him to hand over the microphone to me, and he obliged. I then made a brief address, during which I declared that I would be vying for the Gichugu parliamentary seat. Although this was a national rally, it was important to me that I lay claim to the territory ahead of anyone else. Kariithi spoke immediately after me without much acclaim from the people. By then, I was a household name due to my social and political activism. However, I was well aware that name recognition can fade as fast as it rises if not sustained. Our second Ford rally was in Embu, which neighbours my home county. As I was patiently waiting for my turn to speak, the Master of Ceremonies invited a well-known politician of the day, Waruru Kanja, now deceased, to speak but also announced that the latter would be the last speaker of the day. I let Kanja walk up to the podium and then followed him. He was a towering figure. When he felt my presence, he turned towards me, and I asked him to kindly hand over the microphone to me as soon as he was done speaking. I stood behind him and after his address, he handed the mic to me making me the last speaker. Once again, I announced my intention to vie for the, Gichugu parliamentary seat. This was especially significant because there were many people from Gichugu at that rally. Following my assertive presence in these two rallies, I noticed a shift among the male fraternity occupying the Ford party’s leadership. I was henceforth promptly invited to speak upon arrival at any of our rallies. It was as if they were getting rid of a nuisance to let the rally settle. Whichever the case, I was happy to claim my space among what I saw as the political brotherhood then dominated by elderly men. This, no doubt, contributed to my eventual success on the ballot. Ford experienced internal wrangles and split into two parties - Ford Asili led by Kenneth Matiba and Ford Kenya led by Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. The Kanu regime was only too happy to register the two factions. I opted for Ford Asili. During the Ford Asili party nominations in September 1992, I competed with Kariithi for the position of party chair for Gichugu Constituency. Beating the scheme For me, this was a dress rehearsal for the parliamentary election slated for later that year. To my utter horror, the party elections were openly manipulated in favour of Kariithi, prompting me to abandon them midstream. I lodged a complaint but soon realised redress would be elusive due to the influence my competitor wielded in the top echelons of the Ford Asili party. In consultation with my strategy team and supporters, I decided to leave Ford Asili and join the Democratic Party of Kenya (DP), led by former Vice President and Finance Minister Mwai Kibaki who had resigned from the ruling party Kanu, on Christmas Eve 1991. He was then the DP’s presidential flag bearer. I, on the other hand, became the party’s candidate for the Gichugu Constituency following party nominations (primaries). That decision ensured that Kariithi and I would eventually square it out on the ballot. My children at the time were six and four years old respectively. The campaigns were often characterised by gender-based verbal invective and some- times physical violence by Kariithi’s supporters against mine. My supporters, including some close relatives involved in my campaigns, were often subjected to harassment. The police were hardly ever receptive to our complaints, which emboldened the attackers. On nomination day, as was the norm those days, all candidates travelled to Kianyaga, the constituency headquarters, to present their nomination papers to the constituency returning officer. I had the largest crowd among the candidates present. Harassment, death threats While this process was ongoing, I was threatened with violence and death by a section of Kariithi’s supporters. I took these threats seriously and changed vehicles as I headed home. My convoy was attacked just before reaching home. It was not lost on me that the attack targeted the car, which I had used to go to the presentation of nomination papers that morning. This was, to me, a clear indication that I was the target of the attack. The occupants, including a young woman named Ms Wambura, who had long hair like mine, were attacked with crude weapons, such as machetes and sticks. Ms Wambura and my cousin, Mr Kibuchi, suffered severe injuries that required hospitalisation. It was traumatic for everyone, especially my children, to see people soaked in blood as the injured were being ferried to hospital. From that day on, I had to make security arrangements for myself, my convoy and my campaign meetings, having realised that the police had abdicated their duty to protect all without fear or favour. My security consisted of a few trained but retired security personnel and youth volunteers, many of whom were recruited from among my supporters. Gender, marital status cards One of the key issues raised by my main opponent and his campaign team was my marital status. They pushed the narrative that an unmarried or divorced woman was unfit for leadership. Rather than getting drawn into responding to their provocations, I stayed focused on what truly mattered demonstrating why I was the best candidate to represent Gichugu in Parliament. I kept my eyes on the ball. My campaign grew stronger each day, which convinced me that I was on the right track. Being a youthful candidate, a majority of the young voters identified with me, making my support base mainly youth and women. With time my support spread across all age groups. I made it to Parliament, exhausted but proud. The gender and marital cards my detractors had raised against me had not deterred my journey to elective politics. I became Gichugu’s first elected female MP. I was subsequently re-elected three consecutive times, making me the first MP in my constituency and the county to be elected for four consecutive terms, a record I still held at the time of writing this book. Our swearing-in ceremony as newly elected MPs was held in the National Assembly three weeks after the elections. I invited my parents to accompany me to the landmark event during which all newly elected members took their oath of office. Since my marital status had been made a big issue by my competition, I decided to revert to my maiden name immediately after the campaigns. I prepared the necessary legal instruments and completed the process before the swearing-in ceremony for the newly elected Parliament. Thus, I campaigned as Martha Njoka but was sworn in as Martha Karua. After the swearing-in, I had the duty to familiarise my constituents and the general public with my change of name. I often tagged along with my children to functions in the constituency, mainly to church on Sundays. I used these occasions to introduce them by their surname, Njoka, and with a light touch, I would point out that my children’s surname was Njoka simply because it was their father’s name. Name change I would then conclude by informing them that henceforth, they should address me as Martha Karua for the simple reason that it was my fathers name. I did not have to do this for long as word of mouth was effective in spreading the message I sought to convey. I similarly changed the name of my legal practice from Martha Njoka and Co. Advocates to Martha Karua and Co Advocates. The coverage of parliamentary proceedings by the media also greatly helped highlight my change of name. This, as I jokingly told my friends, was to show a bit of style to my detractors who thought that marital status was such a big issue in elective politics. After our swearing-in, we proceeded on a three-week break before regular parliamentary sittings started. This gave us time for our orientation in parliamentary procedures. It also gave me time to figure out how to juggle between my law practice and my new role as legislator. I realised that I needed to keep my practice alive for my own and my family’s sustenance. The parliamentary emoluments were so meagre at the time that they could not even cover my house rent, let alone meet other family needs. I kept my practice going as a financial anchor to my daily life and my politics. House sittings began on Tuesday afternoon and ended on Thursday afternoon every week. Wednesday’s sittings were and still are full day with morning and afternoon sittings. This is considered a four-day working week in the parliamentary calendar. Mondays and Fridays are for constituency tours and committee meetings. With this routine, I was able to plan when to be at my law firm and to fix any court appearances without affecting my parliamentary work. I allowed those seeking an audience with me in my capacity as an MP to come to my law firm every Friday afternoon. This was necessary because, in those early days, Parliament did not provide members with offices or support staff. I rented a constituency office, which I used for both parliamentary and political party work. I had a well-publicised day for constituency consultations every month. I am glad that today, parliamentarians are provided with offices, both at Parliament Buildings and in their respective constituencies, in addition to researchers and other support staff. My only regret is that Parliament today is a pale shadow of yesteryears in terms of debate and quality of services to constituents. The position of Member of Parliament nowadays is a well-paying job, which explains why it is one of the most sought-after in Kenya. Many of the occupants have no call to serve and appear to be there solely for self-aggrandisement. As a new MP, I had to contend with the reality that even though I had a self-funded constituency office, some constituents still flocked to my home, seeking an audience. As a result, I made use of my late grandmother’s house as a home office for most of my 20 years in Parliament. I made sure that I developed an understanding with my constituents that consultations at the home office were strictly restricted to daytime and only when I was available. This worked well, and most of them ended up opting to meet me in the constituency office at Kianyaga, where they were assured of an audience. Unity of purpose Only six women had made it to parliament, a drop in the ocean of 188 members. Our number notwithstanding, the six of us cultivated a unity of purpose and worked together as much as we could on issues of mutual interest. We avoided open conflicts with one another and were conscious of the need to cultivate a united front, lest we undermine our collective agenda of increasing the number of women in leadership and greater gender inclusivity Our unwritten rule was that we would never publicly attack or undermine one another and that we would collaborate as much as possible on issues affecting us and women in general. This was not easy as there was much hostility between the government and the opposition, which affected our relations in Parliament. To the credit of the women legislators at that time, we largely upheld our agreement, and when conflicts became unavoidable, one of us would step in to mediate. I had the privilege of playing that role on several occasions. I immensely enjoyed my work as a representative of the people of Gichugu and the country, as a member of the National Assembly of Kenya. I shall forever be grateful to the people of Gichugu who gave me this opportunity for 20 uninterrupted years. Life has taught me that you can only do well I in what you like and enjoy. I still look forward to the day I will serve Kenyans nationally and in a bigger capacity.

The Binoculars Global Market Is Forecast To Grow At A CAGR of 5.2% To Reach $1.27 Billion By 2028In the final hours before University of Mississippi student Jimmy “Jay” Lee disappeared , sexually explicit Snapchat messages were exchanged between his account and the account of the man now on trial in his killing, an investigator testified Thursday. Sheldon “Timothy” Herrington Jr., 24, of Grenada, Mississippi, is charged with capital murder in the death of Lee, who vanished July 8, 2022. Lee, 20, of Jackson, Mississippi, was a gay man well known in the LGBTQ+ community at Ole Miss and in Oxford, where the university is located and Herrington's trial is being held. Lee's body has never been found, but a judge has declared him dead. Herrington maintains his own innocence. Herrington “was not openly in the LGBTQ community,” but evidence will show he had a relationship with Lee and is responsible for the death, assistant district attorney Gwen Agho said during opening arguments Tuesday in Oxford. Herrington’s attorney, Kevin Horan, told jurors that prosecutors have “zero” proof Lee was killed. University Police Department Sgt. Benjamin Douglas testified Thursday that investigators used search warrants to obtain cellphone records, information from social media accounts belonging to Lee and Herrington and information about Herrington's internet searches on the day Lee disappeared until Herrington was arrested two weeks later. One of Lee's friends, Khalid Fears, testified Tuesday that he had a video call with Lee just before 6 a.m. on July 8, 2022. Fears said Lee mentioned a sexual encounter with a man hours earlier, which ended badly. Lee was leaving his own on-campus apartment to go see the same man again, Fears said. Douglas testified Herrington's Snapchat account sent a message to Lee's account at about 5:25 a.m. saying: “Come back.” People using the two accounts then argued, and Lee's account sent a message at 5:54 a.m. saying he was on the way over. Douglas said that at 6:03 a.m., Lee's account sent its final message: “Open.” Google records obtained through a warrant showed that Herrington searched “how long does it take to strangle someone” at 5:56 a.m., Douglas said. An officer from another police agency, the Oxford Police Department, testified that starting on 7:18 a.m. the morning of Lee's disappearance, a car matching the description of Lee’s black sedan was captured on multiple security cameras driving through Oxford. A camera showed the car entering a parking lot at the Molly Barr Trails apartment complex at 7:25 a.m., Lt. Mark Hodges testified. The same camera showed a man jogging out of the parking lot moments later, turning onto Molly Barr Road. A witness, Kizziah Carter, testified Wednesday that he was driving home from work about 7:30 that morning and saw Herrington jogging along Molly Barr Road. Carter said he knew Herrington and honked to greet him, and Herrington flagged him down to ask for a ride. Carter said he drove Herrington to Herrington’s apartment in another complex. Lee's car was towed from Molly Barr Trails later that day. Both Herrington and Lee had graduated from the University of Mississippi. Lee was pursuing a master’s degree. He was known for his creative expression through fashion and makeup and often performed in drag shows in Oxford, according to a support group called Justice for Jay Lee. Prosecutors have announced they do not intend to pursue the death penalty, meaning Herrington could get a life sentence if convicted. Mississippi law defines capital murder as a killing committed along with another felony — in this case, kidnapping.

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SAN FRANCISCO, Dec. 05, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- ASP Isotopes Inc. (NASDAQ: ASPI) and certain of its most senior executives are now entangled in a securities class action, alleging the company deceived investors by making false and misleading statements about its advanced nuclear fuel technologies. Hagens Berman urges investors in ASP Isotopes who suffered substantial losses to submit your losses now . Class Period: Oct. 30, 2024 – Nov. 26, 2024 Lead Plaintiff Deadline: Feb. 3, 2025 Visit: www.hbsslaw.com/investor-fraud/aspi Contact the Firm Now: ASPI@hbsslaw.com 844-916-0895 ASP Isotopes Inc. (ASPI) Securities Class Action: The suit, filed in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, claims that ASPI misled investors about the viability and potential of its Aerodynamic Separation Process (ASP) and Quantum Enrichment technologies. The complaint alleges that ASPI overstated the effectiveness of its enrichment technologies, the development potential of its high assay low-enriched uranium facility, and the performance of its nuclear fuels operating segment. The truth emerged on Nov. 26, 2024, when a scathing report by Fuzzy Panda Research revealed that ASPI's technology was outdated and unlikely to be commercially viable. The report accused ASPI of using "old, disregarded laser enrichment technology" to falsely position itself as a cutting-edge nuclear fuel company. It also alleged that ASPI had employed individuals to promote its stock and that former executives of Centrus Energy had deemed its technology "virtually worthless.". Following the release of the report, ASPI's stock price plummeted 23% in a single trading day. These events have prompted shareholder rights firm Hagens Berman to open a probe. “We are investigating whether ASPI may have misled investors about the true commercial prospects for its ASP and Quantum Enrichment technologies," said Reed Kathrein, a partner leading the investigation. If you invested in ASP Isotopes or have knowledge that may assist the firm’s investigation, submit your losses now » If you’d like more information and answers to frequently asked questions about the ASP Isotopes case and our investigation, read more » Whistleblowers: Persons with non-public information regarding ASP Isotopes should consider their options to help in the investigation or take advantage of the SEC Whistleblower program. Under the new program, whistleblowers who provide original information may receive rewards totaling up to 30 percent of any successful recovery made by the SEC. For more information, call Reed Kathrein at 844-916-0895 or email ASPI@hbsslaw.com . About Hagens Berman Hagens Berman is a global plaintiffs’ rights complex litigation firm focusing on corporate accountability. The firm is home to a robust practice and represents investors as well as whistleblowers, workers, consumers and others in cases achieving real results for those harmed by corporate negligence and other wrongdoings. Hagens Berman’s team has secured more than $2.9 billion in this area of law. More about the firm and its successes can be found at hbsslaw.com . Follow the firm for updates and news at @ClassActionLaw . Contact: Reed Kathrein, 844-916-0895After his team's 102-89 home win on Wednesday night over Purdue Fort Wayne, Penn State coach Mike Rhoades challenged his team's fan base to show up and make more noise. "Sweat with us," he said at one point. At 5-0, the Nittany Lions haven't had to sweat much to get off to a fast start. They might not have to expend much perspiration to make it 6-0 on Monday when they meet Fordham in a semifinal matchup at the Sunshine Slam tournament in Daytona Beach, Fla. Penn State hasn't played a strong schedule so far, but the team has been impressive. It's averaging 98.2 points per game and 13.8 steals per game, both of which ranked second in Division I through Saturday's play. The Nittany Lions were seventh per kenpom.com in turnover rate, forcing 25.3 per 100 possessions. Point guard Ace Baldwin Jr. is leading the charge, scoring 16.4 points and dishing out 7.8 assists while chipping in 2.6 steals. Zach Hicks has nearly doubled his scoring average from 8.4 last season to 15.8 this season, while Northern Illinois transfer Yanic Konan Niederhauser has beefed up the interior, tallying 12.2 points and 7.2 rebounds. Meanwhile, Fordham (3-3) is coming off a 73-71 home loss Friday night against Drexel in New York. The Rams blew a seven-point lead early in the second half and missed a chance to force overtime when leading scorer Jackie Johnson III missed a layup as time expired. Johnson, a UNLV transfer, is averaging 19 points per game and is making nearly 48 percent of his shots as one of three Rams with double-figure scoring averages. Jahmere Tripp scores at an 11.0 clip while Japhet Medor is contributed 10.5, but Fordham is struggling to make shots, canning only 41.5 percent from the field. The Rams were picked for a 14th-place finish in the Atlantic 10 despite returning more scoring than any team in the league except for VCU. Third-year coach Keith Urgo thinks his team can defy low external expectations. "We're experienced and I think we're poised to have a tremendous year," he said. --Field Level MediaHere, the PA news agency looks at the seven Grand Slam finals contested by the pair. Murray turned in a poor performance in Melbourne, failing at the third attempt to win a set in a Grand Slam final as Djokovic broke serve seven times and hit six aces to claim a comprehensive win 6-4 6-2 6-3. “You had an unbelievable tournament and deserved to win,” the Scot said in reference to his opponent. “I look forward to playing against you in the future.” It took five sets for Murray to claim his first Grand Slam title, becoming the first British man to achieve the feat since Fred Perry in 1936. The final clocked in at four hours and 54 minutes as Murray prevailed 7-6 (10) 7-5 2-6 3-6 6-2 to end a wait of 287 tournaments in British male tennis for a victory. “I want to congratulate Andy on his first grand slam, he thoroughly deserves it,” said Djokovic. “I really tried my best. I gave it my all. It was a tremendous match.” Congrats @DjokerNole . Incredible athlete. Perfect gentleman. #ausopen — judy murray (@JudyMurray) January 27, 2013 Murray was dogged by injury in Melbourne with a heavily strapped right foot and a tight hamstring as Djokovic fought back from a set down to land a third consecutive Australian Open title, 6-7 (2) 7-6 (3) 6-3 6-2. “His record here is incredible,” said Murray. ”Very few people have managed to do what he has done, a deserved champion.” Murray ended a 77-year wait for a British men’s victory at Wimbledon by defeating his old foe 6-4, 7-5, 6-4 in SW19, serving emphatically with nine aces and only two double faults to throw off the weight of history. The Scot had been 4-1 down in the second set as the match threatened to slip away from him and with it the chance to cement his place in tennis folklore, but having wasted three championship points he finally sealed the deal when Djokovic drove into the net with his final shot. A post shared by Novak Djokovic (@djokernole) Djokovic triumphed 7-6 (5) 6-7 (4) 6-3 6-0 and after the 24 matches and five grand slam finals the pair had played against each other across nine years, the Serb had established a 16-8 overall lead and 3-2 in slam finals. “Success is being happy,” said Murray. “It’s not about winning every single tournament you play, because that isn’t possible.” What a journey. Really grateful for everything. I'll keep working hard. Love is the key! pic.twitter.com/CrT7TYRL3O — Novak Djokovic (@DjokerNole) January 31, 2016 The Serb landed a fourth win over Murray in Australian Open finals and his 11th in 12 matches to land his 11th major title, whilst the Scot made it five consecutive final losses in Melbourne, a new record in the Open era. “I feel like I’ve been here before,” said Murray after a 6-1 7-5 7-6 (3) loss. “Congratulations Novak, six Australian Opens, an incredible feat, and incredible consistency the last year.” "This is something that’s so rare in tennis... it’s gonna take a long time for it to happen again" Andy to Novak ❤️ pic.twitter.com/LN7dW8ZJED — Roland-Garros (@rolandgarros) June 5, 2016 This was Murray’s first final at Roland Garros but it brought a familiar conclusion as Djokovic triumphed against him for the fifth time in seven Grand Slam finals. The 3-6 6-1 6-2 6-4 success was a first win for the Serb in Paris and saw him hold all four slams simultaneously. Murray went on to win Wimbledon the following month and was voted BBC Sports Personality of the Year but, addressing Djokovic in Paris, said: “This is his day today. What he’s achieved the last 12 months is phenomenal, winning all four of the grand slams in one year is an amazing achievement.”CONX Corp. Announces Acquisition of Red Technologies SAS

A Charleston City Council committee failed to support a regional shelter plan that Mayor William Cogswell has pitched as a collaborative effort to tri-county leaders in order help garner their support for funding. Though a significant blow to one of the administration's first initiatives, the split vote during the Nov. 21 Community Development meeting doesn't appear to be the plan's death knell. The plan centers on two acres the city owns in the Neck Area, where Cogswell hopes to build a community of 118 steel containers that would serve as temporary shelter, each sleeping a single man. The city's Hope Center — a daytime resource center where those in need can get a hot meal, shower, clean clothing and access other services from mental health counseling to job training — would also relocate to the site and expand its operation to run the 24/7 regional effort. During the committee meeting, council members cited concerns that the shelter would only serve homeless men as opposed to vulnerable women and children, that the individual containers wouldn't have running water meaning the men would have to go outside to access shared bathrooms, and that the community is too dense. "We're creating legal encampments," said Councilmen William Dudley Gregorie. Charleston mayor asked local leaders to help with a shelter plan. They're still waiting for details. Another concern was that none of the other 29 municipalities that Cogswell hopes will participate in the initiative, and help spread out the cost, have backed it either. But Cogswell said he hoped Charleston would lead the way. "If we don't give it a vote of confidence, nobody else will," Cogswell said just before the 2-2 vote. The split vote means the motion to move the plan forward for consideration by the full 13-member council failed. Cogswell and Councilman Ross Appel voted in favor of the measure, while Gregorie and Councilman Jim McBride were opposed, saying they wanted more time and information. Councilman Robert Mitchell, who chairs the committee and represents the Neck Area where the shelter would go, did not vote. "We believe we can tweak the plan and make adjustments to meet some of the questions of City Council," Logan McVey, Cogswell's chief policy officer, later said in an email. "Despite having multiple presentations and having the agenda packet for a week, it seems like some members of the committee needed even more time to get the reading done that would have answered a lot of their questions." A nonprofit looks to ease Charleston's housing crisis with apartments, family shelter for homeless The committee meeting was the first comprehensive presentation Cogswell has given to council on the plan — a point of contention during a meeting last month when Gregorie and Mitchell, two of the city's longest-serving council members, accused the mayor of keeping council in the dark . Cogswell first announced plans to launch the regionwide effort in May , making it one of first initiatives of his administration. Since then, he's mentioned the regional shelter plan during a Sept. 10 City Council meeting, but that presentation primarily focused on the city's Operations Center, which will occupy the remainder of the parcel where the shelter is also proposed. The mayor unveiled site plans, and its costs, at an Oct. 1 informational meeting held at North Charleston City Hall. Representatives from Charleston, Dorchester and Berkeley counties, as well as leaders from North Charleston, Mount Pleasant, Summerville, Goose Creek, Folly Beach, James Island and Hollywood attended that meeting, which was open to the public. Besides Cogswell and his staff, only Councilman Karl Brady attended from Charleston. Those who work directly with the unhoused have said the plan is just a temporary fix that takes resources away from more permanent solutions: affordable housing. Charleston needs help from Lowcountry leaders for $5.5 million shelter plan. None are all-in yet. Cogswell emphasized that the effort is purposefully temporary, but that it will not replace more permanent housing solutions. Recently, the city has pledged millions toward adding to the affordable housing stock . He also added that he hoped this regional approach might lay the ground work for collaboration across jurisdictional lines to address not only housing, but also flooding and transportation issues. But without the city leading the way, Cogswell said: "I think this effort has frankly little chance for success." The mayor is asking regional leaders to help fund start-up costs of nearly $5.5 million, and an annual operating budget of around $1.5 million, which would be split among participating counties and municipalities based on their respective populations. Charleston, Dorchester and Berkeley counties would account for 35 percent of the total costs, and the remaining 65 percent would be covered by the 27 municipalities in those counties — if they all agree to participate. According to a breakdown Cogswell provided at the Nov. 21 meeting, Charleston taxpayers would be on the hook for the highest share at just under $1 million for the first year and about $275,000 annually after that. Charleston pledges $3.4 million to help build more than 170 new, affordable units But that's on top of another $4 million the city would spend to build a permanent structure to house the new Hope Center, which now carries the name of Cogswell's predecessor John Tecklenburg . The 8,000-square-foot building will serve as a resource hub for nonprofits and service providers, including housing specialists. Under Tecklenburg's administration, the outreach center was originally set to be located on Cunnington Avenue, behind which the city is building 99 affordable apartments. Cogswell said the city is still $5 million shy of its $10 million fundraising goal, which have ballooned because of rising construction costs. He said pivoting to his proposal "move would not only expedite the opening of a larger Tecklenberg Center, but also expand its operations significantly." Charleston paves the way to pay for Union Pier redevelopment, but construction is still far off The center is currently located in rundown building on Meeting Street. It's open 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. Monday through Wednesday and on Friday from 9 a.m. to noon. It is closed on Thursdays and weekends. Cogswell's plan would see the center open 24/7, which means it "would have a much higher overhead," he told the committee. "But again with everybody contributing, makes it a lot more affordable." Without regional partners, Cogswell said he would no longer support his own plan, leaving the future of the Hope Center in limbo. Here's what Charleston city and county employees make in 2024 Several municipalities say they still have not heard from Cogswell's administration about details of the plan, though city officials said information — the same 60-page packet provided in the city's committee agenda — went out to "every municipality and government in the tri-county region last week." The packet goes into detail about the services the regional shelter will offer and outlines how those who are referred there could transition to more permanent housing. However, it doesn't explain the nonprofit structure that Cogswell says will oversee the regional effort, leaving unanswered questions for area leaders who may, or may not, want to pitch the plan to their respective boards or councils.