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State, national officials remember Jimmy Carter
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OTTAWA — The House of Commons Speaker has intervened to end a parliamentary impasse, ruling that members of Parliament must debate and vote on opposition motions and government spending before returning to a Conservative filibuster that has dragged on for two months. Speaker Greg Fergus made the ruling Monday afternoon as a deadline for those motions and spending votes to happen just one week away. "This is a situation that Parliament has never been in before," Liberal House leader Karina Gould told reporters on Monday. Last week, the Conservatives signalled an intent to introduce a non-confidence motion quoting NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh's criticism of the Liberals, in a bid to get his caucus to vote to bring down the minority government. That would be the third non-confidence motion the Conservatives have introduced this fall sitting. No opposition days have been held since early October because the House has been bogged down in debate over a matter of privilege, which has consumed most of the sitting time for nearly two months and is jeopardizing the government's ability to get spending approved. The filibuster stems from a Conservative demand that the Liberals provide unredacted documents to the RCMP about allegations of misspending at a now-defunct green technology fund. Monday morning, Gould offered to hold opposition days this week if members of Parliament unanimously agreed to temporarily suspend the filibuster, but the Tories rejected that. Gould characterized the Conservatives' tactics as "disappointing or pathetic," saying all other parties had agreed to move forward. "They’re talking of a big game and all this stuff, and when the rubber hits the road they’re actually too afraid to move forward," she told reporters on Parliament Hill. Eventually, Fergus told the Commons he had scheduled opposition days for Thursday and Friday, meaning the government could face another non-confidence vote as early as Monday. Gould's office later said the first motion to be heard Thursday will come from the Conservatives, and is set for a vote Monday after question period. The second motion, set to be heard Friday, will come from the NDP and would receive a vote around the same time. Another two Conservative motions would be heard Monday and Tuesday, with both set for a vote on Tuesday, barring changes to those plans. Voting on departmental spending would likely follow. Fergus said his ruling was a way to balance the opposition's right to have its motions debated and Parliament's prerogative to scrutinize government spending. He said he had asked the parties to find a solution to the gridlock, for which "the discussions do not seem to have been productive." Opposition parties must be given four days to introduce their own motions before Dec. 10. That is also the deadline for the House to vote to approve billions of dollars in spending, without which some government departments risk running out of money. Treasury Board President Anita Anand introduced a request last month for $21.6 billion to fund programs including housing, dental care and the national school food program. Conservative House leader Andrew Scheer wrote in a statement that Gould's proposal amounted to a coverup of the misspending allegations. "The Liberals tried a sneaky procedural trick today to suspend questions into their scandal," he said in a statement. "Even the Liberal Speaker has ruled that Justin Trudeau must face opposition debate on nine years of his failures," he wrote, confirming the Conservatives will put forward three non-confidence motions. The Tories say they will only end their filibuster if the Liberals provide documents they're demanding, or if the NDP agrees to vote non-confidence in the government. Two Conservative opposition motions declaring non-confidence in the government were defeated in September with the Bloc Québécois and the NDP voting against them. The Bloc has since pledged to work with the other opposition parties to defeat the government after the Liberals refused to adopt a Bloc bill to raise old age security payments for seniors under age 75. However, Bloc Leader Yves-François Blanchet said his party would only vote in favour of non-confidence motions that are deemed to be in the best interests of Quebec. Singh has said his party will take each non-confidence vote on a case-by-case basis, and has said that while his party is ready for an election it does not want to push for one immediately. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 2, 2024. Dylan Robertson, The Canadian Press
Coote was sacked earlier this month after the emergence of a video in which he made derogatory remarks about Liverpool and their former manager Jurgen Klopp. Professional Game Match Officials Limited (PGMOL) said that a thorough investigation had concluded he was “in serious breach of the provisions of his employment contract, with his position deemed untenable”. “Supporting David Coote continues to be important to us and we remain committed to his welfare,” PGMOL’s statement on December 9 added. Coote had the right to appeal against the decision but PA understands the Nottinghamshire referee has decided not to. The video which triggered PGMOL’s investigation into Coote’s conduct first came to public attention on November 11. In it, Coote is asked for his views on a Liverpool match where he has just been fourth official, and describes them as “s***”. He then describes Klopp as a “c***”, and, asked why he felt that way, Coote says the German had “a right pop at me when I reffed them against Burnley in lockdown” and had accused him of lying. “I have got no interest in speaking to someone who’s f****** arrogant, so I do my best not to speak to him,” Coote said. Later in the video, Coote again refers to Klopp, this time as a “German c***”. The Football Association opened its own investigation into that video, understood to be centred on that last comment and whether Coote’s reference to Klopp’s nationality constituted an aggravated breach of its misconduct rules. The investigation by PGMOL which led to Coote’s contract being terminated is also understood to have looked at another video which appeared to show Coote snorting a white powder, purportedly during Euro 2024 where he was one of the assistant VARs for the tournament. European football’s governing body UEFA also appointed an ethics investigator to look into the matter.
What’s next for AI: Trends, expectations for 2025, beyondJalen Johnson scores 28 to lead the Hawks over the Heat 120-110
PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter's closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
Share Tweet Share Share Email When it comes to investing in altcoins, the possibilities seem endless. But how do you pick the winners from the crowd? With blockchain technology evolving faster than ever, certain projects are beginning to set themselves apart as genuine game-changers. They’re solving real-world problems, introducing groundbreaking technology, and making decentralised finance (DeFi) accessible to the masses. If you’ve been waiting for the right time to dive into the altcoin market, this might just be it. This month, we’ve identified five altcoins that aren’t just making noise—they’re making moves. From innovative tools for developers to scalability solutions and smart contract integrations, these projects have the potential to reshape how we think about cryptocurrency. If you’re ready to take your portfolio to the next level, here are the best altcoins to buy this month . 1. Qubetics: The Developer’s Dream with QubeQode IDE Qubetics is not just another altcoin—it’s a platform designed to make blockchain development as intuitive as possible. At its core is the QubeQode IDE, a revolutionary tool that simplifies blockchain application creation. The complexity of coding and deploying blockchain apps has been a significant barrier for many developers, but QubeQode’s drag-and-drop functionality changes the game. This innovative interface allows developers of all skill levels to create, deploy, and manage decentralised applications (dApps) effortlessly. The absence of user-friendly tools in the blockchain space has long been a pain point. Many platforms require in-depth coding knowledge and come with unintuitive interfaces, leaving less experienced developers behind. QubeQode eliminates these challenges by integrating artificial intelligence to guide users through the process, ensuring faster development and fewer errors. Scalability is another area where Qubetics shines. Traditional blockchain networks often struggle with transaction processing, leading to delays and high fees. The QubeQode IDE addresses this by enabling developers to optimise smart contracts, resulting in smoother and more efficient applications. This scalability ensures that dApps built on Qubetics are ready to handle large-scale usage without breaking a sweat. Beyond the technical perks, Qubetics is a community-driven project. With over 376 million tokens sold and a presale tally exceeding $7.8 million, it’s clear that investors and developers alike see its potential. By investing in Qubetics, you’re not just betting on an altcoin—you’re joining a movement to make blockchain technology more accessible and scalable. 2. Ethereum: The Backbone of DeFi and NFTs It’s impossible to talk about altcoins without mentioning Ethereum. As the pioneer of smart contracts, Ethereum has been the backbone of decentralised finance (DeFi) and non-fungible tokens (NFTs). Its versatility and widespread adoption make it a staple in any crypto portfolio. The upcoming upgrades to Ethereum’s network aim to improve scalability, reduce fees, and enhance energy efficiency, solidifying its position as the go-to platform for developers and investors. Ethereum’s Layer 2 solutions, such as Optimism and Arbitrum, are also gaining traction, offering faster transactions at lower costs. With DeFi and NFT markets continuing to grow, Ethereum remains a critical player in the blockchain ecosystem. 3. Polygon: The King of Layer 2 Solutions Polygon, also known as MATIC, has carved out its niche as the ultimate scalability solution for Ethereum. While Ethereum’s network often faces congestion, Polygon provides a faster, cheaper alternative for developers and users alike. Its ability to integrate seamlessly with Ethereum makes it an attractive option for dApp creators looking to scale their projects without compromising on security. Polygon’s ecosystem has grown rapidly, attracting major DeFi platforms and NFT projects. From reducing gas fees to enabling cross-chain compatibility, Polygon’s impact on the blockchain space is undeniable. If scalability and interoperability are what you’re after, Polygon should be on your radar. 4. Cardano: A Focus on Sustainability and Innovation Cardano’s approach to blockchain development is methodical and research-driven, making it one of the most reliable altcoins on the market. Its proof-of-stake consensus mechanism is not only energy-efficient but also incredibly secure. Cardano has positioned itself as a platform for sustainable innovation, focusing on real-world use cases such as supply chain management, education, and healthcare. What sets Cardano apart is its commitment to peer-reviewed development. Every upgrade and feature is thoroughly vetted, ensuring the platform remains robust and secure. With its growing ecosystem of dApps and partnerships, Cardano is proving that slow and steady can win the race. 5. Ripple (XRP): The Pioneer of Cross-Border Payments Ripple is revolutionising how money moves across borders. Its blockchain-based payment solutions are designed to replace the outdated systems used by banks and financial institutions. By eliminating intermediaries, Ripple ensures faster, cheaper, and more transparent transactions. This makes it an attractive option for both retail investors and enterprise clients. Ripple’s legal battles have often made headlines, but its resilience and innovation continue to shine. As regulatory clarity improves, XRP could see significant adoption, making it one of the best altcoins to buy this month . Conclusion The crypto market is brimming with opportunities, but not all altcoins are created equal. Choosing the right projects to invest in requires a mix of research, timing, and a bit of intuition. The five coins we’ve highlighted—Qubetics, Ethereum, Polygon, Cardano, and Ripple—are more than just digital assets; they’re platforms solving real-world problems and shaping the future of blockchain. Qubetics stands out as a pioneer in simplifying blockchain development with its QubeQode IDE, addressing the complexities and scalability issues that have plagued the industry. Ethereum continues to dominate as the backbone of DeFi and NFTs, while Polygon’s scalability solutions make it an essential tool for developers. Cardano’s commitment to sustainability and Ripple’s innovation in cross-border payments round out this list of must-have altcoins. Whether you’re a seasoned investor or just starting your crypto journey, these projects offer a mix of short-term potential and long-term growth. The blockchain world is evolving rapidly, and these altcoins are leading the charge. If you’ve been waiting for the right moment to dive in, now is the time. For More Information : Qubetics: https://qubetics.com Telegram: https://t.me/qubetics Twitter: https://x.com/qubetics Related Items: Blockchain , Qubetic Share Tweet Share Share Email Recommended for you Qubetics, Stellar , and Render ($RNDR): Best Cryptos to Invest in Right Now Amid Game-Changing Partnerships and Presale Milestones Long-Term Crypto Investments: Top 4 Coins to Buy and Hold for Future Wealth AI Meets Crypto: FROGE’s Role in OpenAI’s Livestream Sparks Global Attention CommentsChips, AI, and Stock Secrets! Find Out Who’s Leading the Race.
Technology donations to create social good. (PRNewsfoto/Human-I-T) Holiday Mix & Match Deal puts tech and accessories under your tree for $200 or less!An engaging read with Universal Relevance