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joy slot game Two people have been arrested after allegedly conducting a "hazardous drone operation" near the airspace of the US city of Boston's main airport, police said. Robert Duffy, 42, and Jeremy Folcik, 32, were arrested on Long Island, part of the Boston Harbor Islands, on Saturday night. They were charged with trespassing and police said they may face further charges and fines over the drones, which were "dangerously close" to Logan International Airport, said police. Their arrests follow a series of drone sightings across the US north-east in recent weeks. Police have given no indication that the sightings are connected to these arrests. Police said the incident in Boston occurred at 16:30 local time (21:30 GMT) when a police officer detected a drone operating "dangerously close" to Logan International Airport. Police said they identified the drone's location and tracked the operators' position to a decommissioned health campus on Long Island. Because of the drone's proximity to an airport, FBI counter-terrorism agents helped the investigation. When officers arrived on the scene, police said three people attempted to flee, two of whom - Mr Duffy and Mr Folcik, were apprehended. A drone was discovered in a backpack carried by Mr Duffy, police said. The third suspect is believed to have fled the island in a small vessel and has not so far been found. It was not immediately clear whether Mr Duffy and Mr Folcik had legal representation. Police said they were yet to be arraigned. US government officials have been seeking to reassure residents of the north-east that no threats have been identified in relation to hundreds of drone sightings across the area. Flying objects have been reported in states including New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Connecticut and Massachusetts - with the most sightings reported in New Jersey. Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said the government was deploying additional resources, personnel and technology to assist New Jersey police in investigating. In an interview with ABC News, he said that the department was working in "close co-ordination" with state and local authorities, adding it was "critical" they be given the ability to counter drone activity under federal supervision. His comments follow New York state Governor Kathy Hochul's demands for more state powers to tackle the issue, after runways at Stewart Airfield had to shut down for about an hour on Friday night. "Congress must pass a law that will give us the power to deal directly with the drones," she added on Sunday, after announcing that a drone detection system was being sent to New York. Mayorkas said the rise in drone sightings could be to do with a change in federal law last year that allows drones to be flown at night. "That may be one of the reasons why now people are seeing more drones than they did before, especially from dawn to dusk," he said. He also said he knew of "no foreign involvement with respect to the sightings in the north-east".

Former Mexican president Enrique Pena Nieto, left, former US president Donald Trump, centre, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau after signing a new free trade agreement in Buenos Aires, on Nov. 30, 2018. MARTIN BERNETTI/AFP/Getty Images Nicolas Lamp is associate professor at the faculty of law at Queen’s University. When it comes to the future of Canada’s trade, Canadian politicians are in survival mode. Monday night, after weeks of speculation on president-elect Donald Trump’s plans for North American trade, he said that he would “ charge Mexico and Canada a 25% Tariff on ALL products ” until the two countries stop the flow of drugs and migrants to the United States. That came after Canadian leaders had already contorted themselves to salvage the trade relationship. To placate the United States and avert an onslaught of hyper-competitive Chinese imports, Canada took the extraordinary step of imposing WTO-inconsistent tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles , steel and aluminum back in October. And last week, Canada’s premiers and some members of the federal government signalled their willingness to turn even further away from Canada’s traditional embrace of open trade by mooting the possibility of excluding Mexico from a future North American trade agreement. It is this move to sideline Mexico that we should be particularly concerned about. Now that Mr. Trump has put forth a plan that could be seen as making Canada suffer for Mexico’s sins, the option may seem even more tempting. However, then and now, to throw Mexico under the bus would be another case of Canada accepting the high costs of sacrificing long-standing objectives of Canadian trade policy – such as deeper integration with a diversified set of like-minded trading partners – for highly uncertain gains. Proposed Trump tariff poses big risk to Canadian industry, consumers All of America’s trading partners are looking at what they can offer the United States in negotiations and are readying retaliation in case those negotiations break down. Canada is the only country that is taking the path of anticipatory obedience: it is offering the Trump administration concessions before the latter has even asked. Canada is sending the message to Mr. Trump that he does not need to bother with the dividing part of his familiar divide-and-rule playbook: we’ll divide ourselves, so he can focus on ruling. In the process, Canada is encouraging its partners – first and foremost Mexico itself – to follow Canada’s lead in looking after their own immediate interests first. The damage to Canada’s reputation as a reliable partner will be lasting. The tragedy of all of this is that it is so unnecessary. It is true that Chinese-made cars have been flooding into Mexico. Ontario Premier Doug Ford and those who support his call to exclude Mexico are concerned that Chinese auto parts could be transshipped through Mexico to the United States and Canada. But there is no evidence that that is happening at the moment, and for good reason: the Canada-US-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) – the successor to NAFTA that Canada and Mexico negotiated with the first Trump administration in 2018 – contains rules of origin that ensure that products that benefit from duty-free treatment actually originate in Mexico. During the CUSMA negotiations, Canada and Mexico worked with the first Trump administration to tighten those rules of origin compared to the original NAFTA and thereby managed to defuse much more radical proposals from the United States. It is unclear why Canadian politicians believe that a similar approach – working with Mexico to convince the United States to manage trade issues through creative rulemaking – could not succeed this time. Even the worry that Chinese producers could establish factories in Mexico and use them to circumvent the rules of origin could be addressed in this way. The CUSMA already sets a precedent for treating Chinese investors in Mexico differently from other investors. The U.S. has signalled an interest in adopting a similar approach of differentiating between companies for purposes of granting them market access. Canada could play a constructive role by advocating for such changes instead of trying to push Mexico out of the agreement. The proposal also ignores the economic harm that Canadian companies would suffer if Mexico was excluded from a future North American trade agreement. Canadian auto parts companies, such as Magna, are heavily invested in Mexico and would risk being cut off from North American supply chains. And losing Mexico as a base for cheap auto parts would further imperil the competitiveness of North American car producers – who are already handicapped compared to their European and East Asian peers by the restrictions on their ability to use inputs and technology from China. Finally, excluding Mexico from “Fortress North America” would deprive the United States and Canada of leverage to convince Mexico to stem Chinese car imports into Mexico and would thereby further diminish the ability of North American car manufacturers to retain market share. During the first Trump administration, the Trudeau government kept a cool head, drove a hard bargain and came out better than most observers had dared to hope. It is dispiriting that, this time around, some Canadian politicians seem to have lost the courage of their convictions before Mr. Trump has even moved into the White House.

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Warner Bros. Discovery Sued For Misleading Investors On NBA Before Losing ItPhotos: Remembering former President Jimmy Carter

Roborock Sweeps Into Summer with Qrevo Edge and Qrevo Curv5 things to do in the garden this week: Fruit trees. Although all parts of the pomegranate are medicinal, extract from pomegranate peel is 10 times as rich in beneficial biochemicals as the rest of the fruit. Some advocate making a pomegranate peel powder for tea. It should be noted that the peel is the most nutritional part of any fruit. One tablespoon of shredded citrus peel, known in the culinary world as zest, contains four times the dietary fiber and three times the quantity of Vitamin C as one tablespoon of citrus pulp. Even the fleshy outer covering or jacket of almonds is highly nutritious. With avocadoes, where the peel is not eaten, the outside pulp that touches the peel is more nutritious than the inside pulp Vegetables. Beets grow with ease when planted now and are ready to harvest 60 days or less after planting. Beets originated in the Mediterranean where they were grown for their nutritious leaves more than 2,000 years ago. For centuries, their roots were used for medicinal purposes alone. It was only in the 1500s when a large bulbous root developed on a beet grown in Germany that this part of the plant was first consumed for its gustatory appeal. (For this reason, beets are sometimes referred to as “beetroots” to distinguish them from beets that are still grown for their foliage.) Beet seeds are unusual among vegetables since, like its close relative, Swiss chard, seeds are actually formed in multi-germ capsules or clusters. Thus, when you plant beets or chard, you are dealing with clusters from which 2-6 seeds sprout. Thin the sprouts so the most robust of them remains, although some gardeners allow two or three sprouts to develop and thin them when small beets have developed for a final thinning. Herbs . Rue (Ruta graveolens) is a highly attractive evergreen subshrub with delicately lobed blue-green foliage and yellow flowers that grow two feet tall. It may be used as a stand-alone member of your herb garden or trained into a low hedge. It is a strewing herb, meaning it was strewn on the floor of dwellings in the Middle Ages. Due to its strong malodorous scent, strewing it could repel insect pests, especially fleas that carried the Black Plague. It was also thought to have divine power as both Leonardo da Vinci and Michelangelo said they were heavenly inspired upon imbibing an infusion made from its leaves. You should be able to find rue in the herb section of any well-stocked nursery or garden center. Flowering woody perennials. Winter cassia, or Christmas bush (Cassia/Senna bicapsularis), is an anomaly as it blooms when all other shrubs and trees have stopped flowering. The display of butter-yellow, butterfly-shaped flowers is seen from November through the first of the year. Each leaf consists of a series of small oval leaflets set opposite each other. This is an airy specimen that you will never need to prune and, grown in half-day sun, won’t need to water either. I obtained mine years ago and it is one of the most gratifying plants in my garden. You can find it online readily enough. Plants and seeds are available from vendors on Etsy.com. Ornamentals. Winter is the season for geranium appreciation, although what we commonly refer to as geraniums are mostly pelargoniums. The most commonly seen geraniums are known as zonals (Pelargonium x hortorum). They are upright plants with lobed leaves – sometimes colorfully patterned – and always with a distinctive odor on account of which they are sometimes referred to as fish geraniums. Ivy geraniums (Pelargonium peltatum) are easily identified due to their trailing growth habit. Martha Washingtons (Pelargonium x domesticum) have flowers in many fetching colors, including salmon, creamy pink, and lavender-purple, along with sharply toothed leaf margins. And then we come to scented geraniums (Pelargonium spp.), of which there are probably a hundred different kinds or more. Their flowers in pale pink or white are an afterthought to the plethora of scents – peppermint, lemon, chocolate, nutmeg, apple, ginger, apricot, attar of roses, and cinnamon, among others – that their leaves transmit upon being rubbed or crushed. The chemical compounds that create these scents also impart a significant measure of drought tolerance. All pelargoniums are easily propagated from four to six-inch shoot tip cuttingsASUS is cooking up its new ROG NUC pre-built PCs for CES 2025, with a new tease that the next-gen Mini-PC will feature Intel's new Core Ultra 200H "Arrow Lake-H" CPUs and NVIDIA's new GeForce RTX 50 series "Blackwell" GPUs. In a new leak on Chinese social media platform Weibo, we get some sneaky photos of the next-gen ASUS ROG NUC system, which from the outside doesn't look all that different. ASUS is baking in all of the changes inside of the new ROG NUC, where we'll see the use of Intel's new Core Ultra 200H series CPU, and NVIDIA's next-gen GeForce RTX 50 series GPU. We should see ASUS using the flagship Core Ultrra 9 285H processor, as the current-gen ROG NUC (more details on that in the link below) features the flagship Core Ultra 9 185H "Meteor Lake" processor. The new ROG NUC will feature an RTX 50 series GPU -- expect to see the RTX 5070 or RTX 5060 -- while the current-gen ROG NUC rolled out with up to the RTX 4070 inside. On the outside, we can see that there will be 1 x USB Type-C port, 2 x USB Type-A ports, an audio jack, and the power button. The inclusion of a USB-C port is nice to see, as the current-gen ASUS ROG NUC doesn't have USB-C. ASUS is expected to unveil its next-gen ROG NUC at CES 2025, which is just over a week away from now. We'll be at the show, and will give you the full skinny on this powerful new Mini-PC system.

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The AP Top 25 men’s college basketball poll is back every week throughout the season! Get the poll delivered straight to your inbox with AP Top 25 Poll Alerts. Sign up here . BINGHAMTON, N.Y. (AP) — Chris Walker scored 22 points as Binghamton beat Lancaster Bible 85-60 on Sunday. Walker shot 7 for 8 (4 for 5 from 3-point range) and 4 of 6 from the free-throw line for the Bearcats (6-6). Ben Callahan-Gold added 13 points while going 5 of 9 (3 for 6 from 3-point range) while he also had five rebounds. Tymu Chenery shot 5 of 11 from the field, including 1 for 7 from 3-point range, and went 1 for 4 from the line to finish with 12 points. The Chargers were led in scoring by Reaves Hooks, who finished with 15 points. Jordan Praylow added 10 points and three steals for Lancaster Bible. Camden Hurst also recorded nine points. Binghamton hosts Mercyhurst in its next matchup on Wednesday. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .

Jimmy Carter, a peanut farmer and little-known Georgia governor who became the 39th president of the United States, promising “honest and decent” government to Watergate-weary Americans, and later returned to the world stage as an influential human rights advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner, has died. He was 100. When his turbulent presidency ended after a stinging reelection loss in 1980, Carter retreated to Plains, his political career over. Over the four decades that followed, though, he forged a legacy of public service, building homes for the needy, monitoring elections around the globe and emerging as a fearless and sometimes controversial critic of governments that mistreated their citizens. He lived longer than any U.S. president in history and was still regularly teaching Bible classes at his hometown Maranatha Baptist Church well into his 90s. During his post-presidency, he also wrote more than 30 books, including fiction, poetry, deeply personal reflections on his faith, and commentaries on Middle East strife. Though slowed by battles with brain and liver cancer and a series of falls and hip replacement in recent years, he returned again and again to his charity work and continued to offer occasional political commentary, including in support of mail-in voting ahead of the 2020 presidential election. Carter was in his first term as Georgia governor when he launched his campaign to unseat President Gerald Ford in the 1976 election. At the time, the nation was still shaken by President Richard Nixon’s resignation in the Watergate scandal and by the messy end of the Vietnam War. As a moderate Southern Democrat, a standard-bearer of what was then regarded as a more racially tolerant “new South,” Carter promised a government “as good and honest and decent and competent and compassionate and as filled with love as are the American people.” But some of the traits that had helped get Carter elected — his willingness to take on the Washington establishment and his preference for practicality over ideology — didn’t serve him as well in the White House. He showed a deep understanding of policy, and a refreshing modesty and disregard for the ceremonial trappings of the office, but he was unable to make the legislative deals expected of a president. Even though his Democratic Party had a majority in Congress throughout his presidency, he was impatient with the legislative give-and-take and struggled to mobilize party leaders behind his policy initiatives. His presidency also was buffeted by domestic crises — rampant inflation and high unemployment, as well as interminable lines at gas stations triggered by a decline in the global oil supply exacerbated by Iran’s Islamic Revolution. “Looking back, I am struck by how many unpopular objectives we pursued,” Carter acknowledged in his 2010 book, “White House Diary.” “I was sometimes accused of ‘micromanaging’ the affairs of government and being excessively autocratic,” he continued, “and I must admit that my critics probably had a valid point.” Carter’s signature achievements as president were primarily on the international front, and included personally brokering the Camp David peace accords between Egypt and Israel, which have endured for more than 40 years. But it was another international crisis — the storming of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran by Iranian revolutionaries and the government’s inability to win the release of 52 Americans taken hostage — that would cast a long shadow on his presidency and his bid for reelection. Carter authorized a secret military mission to rescue the hostages in April 1980, but it was aborted at the desert staging area; during the withdrawal, eight servicemen were killed when a helicopter crashed into a transport aircraft. The hostages were held for 444 days, a period that spanned Carter’s final 15 months in the White House. They were finally freed the day his successor, Ronald Reagan, took the oath of office. Near the end of Carter’s presidency, one poll put his job approval rating at 21% — lower than Nixon’s when he resigned in disgrace and among the lowest of any White House occupant since World War II. In a rarity for an incumbent president, Carter faced a formidable primary challenge in 1980 from Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, a favorite of the Democratic Party’s liberal wing. Although Carter prevailed, his nomination was in doubt until the party’s August convention. The enmity between Carter and Kennedy, two of the most important Democratic political figures of their generation, continued throughout their lives. In Kennedy’s memoir, published shortly after his death in 2009, he called Carter petty and guilty of “a failure to listen.” While promoting the publication of “White House Diary,” Carter said Kennedy had “deliberately” blocked Carter’s comprehensive healthcare proposals in the late 1970s in hopes of defeating the president in the primary. In the 1980 general election, Carter faced Reagan, then 69, who campaigned on a promise to increase military spending and rescue the economy by cutting taxes and decreasing regulation. Carter lost in a 51% to 41% thumping — he won just six states and the District of Columbia — that devastated the man known for his toothy smile and sent him back to his hometown, an ex-president at 56. A year later, he and Rosalynn founded the Carter Center, which pressed for peaceful solutions to world conflicts, promoted human rights and worked to eradicate disease in the poorest nations. The center, based in Atlanta, launched a new phase of Carter’s public life, one that would move the same historians who called Carter a weak president to label him one of America’s greatest former leaders. His post-presidential years were both “historic and polarizing,” as Princeton University historian Julian E. Zelizer put it in a 2010 biography of Carter. Zelizer said Carter “refused to be constrained politically when pursuing his international agenda” as an ex-president, and became “an enormously powerful figure on the international stage.” When Carter appeared on “The Colbert Report” in 2014, host Stephen Colbert asked him, “You invented the idea of the post-presidency. What inspired you to do that?” “I didn’t have anything else to do,” Carter replied. He traveled widely to mediate conflicts and monitor elections around the world, joined Habitat for Humanity to promote “sweat equity” for low-income homeownership, and became a blunt critic of human rights abuses. He angered conservatives and some liberals by advocating negotiations with autocrats — and his criticism of Israeli leaders and support for Palestinian self-determination angered many Jews. A prolific author, Carter covered a range of topics, including the Middle East crisis and the virtues of aging and religion. He penned a memoir on growing up in the rural South as well as a book of poems, and he was the first president to write a novel — “The Hornet’s Nest,” about the South during the Revolutionary War. He won three Grammy Awards as well for best spoken-word album, most recently in 2019 for “Faith: A Journey For All.” As with many former presidents, Carter’s popularity rose in the years after he left office. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for “decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts” and to advance democracy and human rights. By then, two-thirds of Americans said they approved of his presidency. “Jimmy Carter may never be rated a great president,” wrote Charles O. Jones, a University of Wisconsin political scientist, in his chronicle of the Carter presidency. “Yet it will be difficult in the long run to sustain censure of a president motivated to do what is right.” :::: The journey for James Earl Carter Jr. began on Oct. 1, 1924, in the tiny Sumter County, Georgia, town of Plains, home to fewer than 600 people in 2020. He was the first president born in a hospital, but he lived in a house without electricity or indoor plumbing until he was a teenager. His ancestors had been in Georgia for more than two centuries, and he was the fifth generation to own and farm the same land. His father, James Earl Carter Sr., known as Mr. Earl, was a strict disciplinarian and a conservative businessman of some means. His mother, known as Miss Lillian, had more liberal views — she was known for her charity work and for taking in transients and treating Black residents with kindness. (At the age of 70, she joined the Peace Corps, working in India.) Inspired by an uncle who was in the Navy, Carter decided as a first-grader that he wanted to go to the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Md. He became the first member of his family to finish high school, then attended Georgia Tech before heading for the academy, where he studied engineering and graduated in 1946, 59th in a class of 820. Before his last year in Annapolis, while home for the summer, he met Eleanor Rosalynn Smith, a friend of his sister Ruth’s. He and a friend invited the two young women to the movies, and when he returned home that night, he told his mother he had met “the girl I want to marry.” He proposed that Christmas, but Rosalynn declined because she felt she was too young (she was 18 and a sophomore in college). Several weeks later, while she was visiting Carter at the academy, he asked again. This time she said yes. Carter applied to America’s new nuclear-powered submarine program under the command of the icy and demanding Capt. (later Adm.) Hyman Rickover. During Carter’s interview, Rickover asked whether he had done his best at Annapolis. “I started to say, ‘Yes, sir,’ but ... I recalled several of the many times at the Academy when I could have learned more about our allies, our enemies, weapons, strategy and so forth,” Carter wrote in his autobiography. “... I finally gulped and said, ‘No, sir, I didn’t always do my best.’” To which Rickover replied: “Why not?” Carter got the job, and would later make “Why not the best?” his campaign slogan. The Carters had three sons, who all go by nicknames — John William “Jack,” James Earl “Chip” and Donnel Jeffrey “Jeff.” Carter and Rosalynn had wanted to have more children, but an obstetrician said that surgery Rosalynn had to remove a tumor on her uterus would make that impossible. Fifteen years after Jeffrey was born, the Carters had a daughter, Amy, who “made us young again,” Carter would later write. While in the Navy, Carter took graduate courses in nuclear physics and served as a submariner on the USS Pomfret. But his military career was cut short when his father died, and he moved back to Georgia in 1953 to help run the family business, which was in disarray. In his first year back on the farm, Carter turned a profit of less than $200, the equivalent of about $2,200 today. But with Rosalynn’s help, he expanded the business. In addition to farming 3,100 acres, the family soon operated a seed and fertilizer business, warehouses, a peanut-shelling plant and a cotton gin. By the time he began his campaign for the White House 20 years later, Carter had a net worth of about $800,000, and the revenue from his enterprises was more than $2 million a year. Carter entered electoral politics in 1962, and asked voters to call him “Jimmy.” He ran for a seat in the Georgia Senate against an incumbent backed by a local political boss who stuffed the ballot box. Trailing by 139 votes after the primary, Carter waged a furious legal battle, which he described years later in his book “Turning Point.” Carter got a recount, the primary result was reversed, and he went on to win the general election. The victory was a defining moment for Carter, the outsider committed to fairness and honesty who had successfully battled establishment politicians corrupted by their ties to special interests. In two terms in the Georgia Senate, Carter established a legislative record that was socially progressive and fiscally conservative. He first ran for governor in 1966, but finished third in the primary. Over the next four years, he made 1,800 speeches and shook hands with an estimated 600,000 people — a style of campaigning that paid off in the 1970 gubernatorial election and later in his bid for the White House. In his inaugural address as governor in 1971, Carter made national news by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” He had a portrait of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. hung in a hall at the Capitol in Atlanta. But when Carter launched his official campaign for the White House in December 1974, he was still so little-known outside Georgia that a celebrity panel on the TV show “What’s My Line?” couldn’t identify him. In the beginning, many scoffed at the temerity of a peanut farmer and one-term governor running for the highest office in the land. After Carter met with House Speaker Thomas P. “Tip” O’Neill Jr., the speaker was asked whom he had been talking to. “Some fellow named Jimmy Carter from Georgia. Says he’s running for president,” O’Neill replied. In a meeting with editors of the Los Angeles Times in 1975, Carter said he planned to gain the presidency by building a network of supporters and by giving his candidacy an early boost by winning the Iowa caucuses. Until then, Iowa had been a bit player in the nominating process, mostly ignored by strategists. But Carter’s victory there vaulted him to front-runner status — and Iowa into a major role in presidential nominations. His emergence from the pack of Democratic hopefuls was helped by the release of his well-reviewed autobiography “Why Not the Best?” in which he described his upbringing on the farm and his traditional moral values. On the campaign trail, Carter came across as refreshingly candid and even innocent — an antidote to the atmosphere of scandal that had eroded confidence in public officials since the events leading to Nixon’s resignation on Aug. 9, 1974. A Baptist Sunday school teacher, Carter was among the first presidential candidates to embrace the label of born-again Christian. That was underscored when, in an interview with Playboy magazine, he made headlines by admitting, “I’ve looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times. God knows I will do this and forgives me.” Carter had emerged from the Democratic National Convention in July with a wide lead over Ford, Nixon’s vice president and successor, but by the time of the Playboy interview in September, his numbers were tumbling. By election day, the contest was a dead heat. Carter, running on a ticket with Walter F. Mondale for his vice president, eked out a victory with one of the narrower margins in U.S. presidential history, winning 50.1% to 48% of the popular vote and 297 electoral votes, 27 more than needed. Many of Carter’s supporters hoped he would usher in a new era of liberal policies. But he saw his role as more of a problem-solver than a politician, and as an outsider who promised to shake things up in Washington, he often acted unilaterally. A few weeks into his term, Carter announced that he was cutting off federal funding to 18 water projects around the country to save money and protect the environment. Lawmakers, surprised by the assault on their pet projects, were livid. He ultimately backed down on some of the cuts. But his relationship with Congress never fully healed. Members often complained that they couldn’t get in to see him, and that when they did he was in a rush to show them the door. His relationship with the media, as he acknowledged later in life, was similarly fraught. Carter’s image as a reformer also took a hit early in his presidency after he appointed Bert Lance, a longtime confidant, to head the Office of Management and Budget. Within months of the appointment, questions were raised about Lance’s personal financial affairs as a Georgia banker. Adamant that Lance had done nothing wrong, Carter dug in his heels and publicly told his friend, “Bert, I’m proud of you.” Still, Lance resigned under pressure, and although he was later acquitted of criminal charges, the damage to Carter had been done. As Mondale later put it: “It made people realize that we were no different than anybody else.” When Carter did score legislative victories, the cost was high. In 1978, he pushed the Senate to ratify the Panama Canal treaties to eventually hand control of the canal over to Panama. But conservatives criticized the move as a diminution of U.S. strength, and even the Democratic National Committee declined to endorse it. Carter’s most significant foreign policy accomplishment was the 1978 Camp David agreement, a peace pact between Israel and Egypt. But he followed that with several unpopular moves, including his decree that the United States would not participate in the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, as a protest against the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. It was the only time in Olympic history that the United States had boycotted an Olympics; the Soviets responded by boycotting the 1984 Summer Games in Los Angeles. Carter had taken a series of largely symbolic steps to dispel the imperial image of the presidency. After he took the oath of office on a wintry day, he and the new first lady emerged from their motorcade and walked part of the way from the Capitol to the White House. He ended chauffeur-driven cars for top staff members, sold the presidential yacht, went to the White House mess hall for lunch with the staff and conducted town meetings around the country. He suspended the playing of “Hail to the Chief” whenever he arrived at an event, though he later allowed the practice to resume. On the domestic front, he was saddled with a country in crisis. Inflation galloped at rates up to 14%, and global gasoline shortages closed service stations and created high prices and long lines. Interest rates for home mortgages soared above 14%. In his first televised fireside chat, he wore a cardigan sweater and encouraged Americans to conserve energy during the winter by keeping their thermostats at 65 degrees in the daytime and 55 degrees at night. He also proposed a string of legislative initiatives to deal with the crisis, but many were blocked by Congress. In what would become a seminal moment in his presidency, Carter addressed the nation — and a television audience of more than 60 million — on a Sunday evening in 1979, saying the country had been seized by a “crisis of confidence ... that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will.” He outlined a series of proposals to develop new sources of energy. The address, widely known as the “malaise speech” even though Carter never used that word, was generally well-received at the time, though some bristled at the implication that Americans were to blame for the country’s problems. Any positive glow disappeared two days later, when Carter fired five of his top officials, including the Energy, Treasury and Transportation secretaries and his attorney general. The value of the dollar sank and the stock market tumbled. Sensing that Carter was politically vulnerable, Kennedy moved to present himself as an alternative for the 1980 Democratic nomination, publicly criticizing the president’s agenda. But Kennedy damaged his own candidacy in a prime-time interview with CBS’ Roger Mudd: Asked why he was running for president, Kennedy fumbled his answer, and critics cited it as evidence that the senator didn’t want the job so much as he felt obligated to seek it. A few months after the malaise speech, in late 1979, revolutionaries loyal to Iran’s spiritual leader, the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 52 Americans hostage. Weeks stretched into months, with Iran refusing all efforts to negotiate a hostage release. In April 1980, Carter approved Operation Eagle Claw, a secret Delta Force rescue mission. But it ended in disaster — mechanical trouble sidelined three helicopters and, after the mission was aborted, one of the remaining helicopters collided with a transport plane on the ground, killing eight soldiers. Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance resigned before the mission, believing the plan too risky. Negotiations to free the hostages resumed, and Carter desperately tried to win their release before the November election. But the Iranians prolonged the talks and the hostages weren’t released until Jan. 20, 1981, moments after Carter watched Reagan being sworn in. The journey home for Carter was painful. Of those who voted for Reagan in 1980, nearly 1 in 4 said they were primarily motivated by their dissatisfaction with Carter. :::: Carter faced “an altogether new, unwanted and potentially empty life,” as he later put it. He sold the family farm-supply business, which had been placed in a blind trust during his presidency and was by then deeply in debt. Then, as Rosalynn later recalled, Carter awoke one night with an idea to build not just a presidential library but a place to resolve global conflicts. Together, they founded the nonprofit, nonpartisan Carter Center. His skill as a mediator made Carter a ready choice for future presidents seeking envoys to navigate crises. Republican President George H.W. Bush sent him on peace missions to Ethiopia and Sudan, and President Bill Clinton, a fellow Democrat, dispatched him to North Korea, Haiti and what then was Yugoslavia. Carter described his relationship with President Barack Obama as chilly, however, in part because he had openly criticized the administration’s policies toward Israel. He felt Obama did not strongly enough support a separate Palestinian state. “Every president has been a very powerful factor here in advocating this two-state solution,” Carter told the New York Times in 2012. “That is now not apparent.” As an election observer, he called them as he saw them. After monitoring presidential voting in Panama in 1989, he declared that Manuel Noriega had rigged the election. He also began building houses worldwide for Habitat for Humanity, and he wrote prodigiously. The Nobel committee awarded Carter the Peace Prize in 2002, more than two decades after he left the White House, praising him for standing by “the principles that conflicts must as far as possible be resolved through mediation and international cooperation.” During his 70s, 80s and even into his 90s, the former president showed an energy that never failed to impress those around him. In his 1998 book “The Virtues of Aging,” he urged retirees to remain active and engaged, and he followed his own advice, continuing to jog, play tennis and go fly-fishing well into his 80s. When his “White House Diary” was published in 2010, he embarked on a nationwide book tour at 85, as he did in 2015 with the publication of “A Full Life: Reflections at 90.” When he told America he had cancer that had spread to his liver and brain, it was vintage Carter. Wearing a coat and tie and a pair of blue jeans, he stared into the television cameras and was unflinchingly blunt about his prognosis. “Hope for the best; accept what comes,” he said. “I think I have been as blessed as any human being in the world.”FARGO, N.D. (AP) — Jacari White scored 19 points as North Dakota State beat Western Michigan 98-62 on Sunday. White had five rebounds and five assists for the Bison (10-4). Jacksen Moni added 16 points while shooting 7 for 10, including 2 for 4 from beyond the arc while they also had seven assists. Masen Miller finished 5 of 9 from 3-point range to finish with 15 points. The Bison extended their winning streak to seven games. The Broncos (3-7) were led by Chansey Willis Jr., who recorded 22 points and five assists. Marquese Josephs added 12 points for Western Michigan. Markhi Strickland also put up eight points. North Dakota State took the lead with 19:23 left in the first half and never looked back. The score was 49-28 at halftime, with White racking up 13 points. North Dakota State extended its lead to 73-38 during the second half, fueled by a 9-0 scoring run. Darik Dissette scored a team-high eight points in the second half as their team closed out the win. North Dakota State next plays Monday against CSU Bakersfield at home, and Western Michigan will host Valparaiso on Friday. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .

Ajay Sura is Senior Assistant Editor with The Times of India Chandigarh. He covers news concerning the State of Haryana, Punjab & Haryana High Court and Defence & Military Affairs. He likes to analyse political developments and decoding judicial pronouncements. His hobbies include travelling, mountaineering and trekking. Read More How to make healthy Oats Palak Chilla for a kid's tiffin 10 best Fried Chicken dishes from around the world 10 ways to use turmeric in winters ​10 animals not allowed as pets in India​ 10 types of Dosa and how they are made Animals and their favourite foods 9 nuts to eat daily for hair growth in winters How to make South Indian Podi Dosa at home From tigers to cheetahs: India’s big cats and where to find them Weekend Special: How to make Multigrain Thaalipeeth