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Parsons apologizes for perceived McCarthy slightThe Toronto Blue Jays missed the postseason in 2024 and are looking to make big moves to be more competitive in 2025. They could look to sign a superstar to join their rotation if they cannot land Juan Soto. While predicting moves for teams in free agency, ESPN's David Schoenfield predicted that the Blue Jays would sign Baltimore Orioles ace Corbin Burnes to a seven-year, $225 million deal. "The Blue Jays are in a precarious position as a franchise. They swung and missed on Shohei Ohtani last offseason and then went on to lose 88 games. This winter, they're going after Soto, but if they fail to land him and then watch Vladimir Guerrero Jr. and Bo Bichette depart as free agents after next season, it could be an ugly rebuilding period," wrote Schoenfield. "So, they need to have a backup plan this time to be all-in for 2025. That means going after Burnes, the No. 2 player on our free agent board (or No. 3, if you include Roki Sasaki)." Burnes is a four-time All-Star and National League Cy Young Award winner. Last season was his first with the Baltimore Orioles and he was great, setting himself up for a payday. His 2.92 ERA was the best since his Cy Young Award season in 2021. Signing Burnes not only helps the Blue Jays in 2025, but puts their rotation in a good spot for the future as well. "Chris Bassitt is a free agent after 2025 and Kevin Gausman is too after 2026, so they'll need a long-term reinforcement for the rotation," wrote Schoenfield. "Sign Burnes, get a bounce-back season from Bichette, strengthen the bullpen and the Jays could jump back into playoff contention. And they should sign Guerrero while they're at it." Burnes is one of the best pitchers in the game, and after Blake Snell's signing with the Los Angeles Dodgers he is the best pitcher available. The Blue Jays will have to outbid teams that are already proven contenders to land him. More MLB: Blue Jays predicted to focus on $259 million superstar if they miss on Juan Sotohttps www mnl777 com

Jimmy Carter, a peanut farmer and little-known Georgia governor who became the 39th president of the United States, promising “honest and decent” government to Watergate-weary Americans, and later returned to the world stage as an influential human rights advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner, has died. He was 100. When his turbulent presidency ended after a stinging reelection loss in 1980, Carter retreated to Plains, his political career over. Over the four decades that followed, though, he forged a legacy of public service, building homes for the needy, monitoring elections around the globe and emerging as a fearless and sometimes controversial critic of governments that mistreated their citizens. He lived longer than any U.S. president in history and was still regularly teaching Bible classes at his hometown Maranatha Baptist Church well into his 90s. During his post-presidency, he also wrote more than 30 books, including fiction, poetry, deeply personal reflections on his faith, and commentaries on Middle East strife. Though slowed by battles with brain and liver cancer and a series of falls and hip replacement in recent years, he returned again and again to his charity work and continued to offer occasional political commentary, including in support of mail-in voting ahead of the 2020 presidential election. Carter was in his first term as Georgia governor when he launched his campaign to unseat President Gerald Ford in the 1976 election. At the time, the nation was still shaken by President Richard Nixon’s resignation in the Watergate scandal and by the messy end of the Vietnam War. As a moderate Southern Democrat, a standard-bearer of what was then regarded as a more racially tolerant “new South,” Carter promised a government “as good and honest and decent and competent and compassionate and as filled with love as are the American people.” But some of the traits that had helped get Carter elected — his willingness to take on the Washington establishment and his preference for practicality over ideology — didn’t serve him as well in the White House. He showed a deep understanding of policy, and a refreshing modesty and disregard for the ceremonial trappings of the office, but he was unable to make the legislative deals expected of a president. Even though his Democratic Party had a majority in Congress throughout his presidency, he was impatient with the legislative give-and-take and struggled to mobilize party leaders behind his policy initiatives. His presidency also was buffeted by domestic crises — rampant inflation and high unemployment, as well as interminable lines at gas stations triggered by a decline in the global oil supply exacerbated by Iran’s Islamic Revolution. “Looking back, I am struck by how many unpopular objectives we pursued,” Carter acknowledged in his 2010 book, “White House Diary.” “I was sometimes accused of ‘micromanaging’ the affairs of government and being excessively autocratic,” he continued, “and I must admit that my critics probably had a valid point.” Carter’s signature achievements as president were primarily on the international front, and included personally brokering the Camp David peace accords between Egypt and Israel, which have endured for more than 40 years. But it was another international crisis — the storming of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran by Iranian revolutionaries and the government’s inability to win the release of 52 Americans taken hostage — that would cast a long shadow on his presidency and his bid for reelection. Carter authorized a secret military mission to rescue the hostages in April 1980, but it was aborted at the desert staging area; during the withdrawal, eight servicemen were killed when a helicopter crashed into a transport aircraft. The hostages were held for 444 days, a period that spanned Carter’s final 15 months in the White House. They were finally freed the day his successor, Ronald Reagan, took the oath of office. Near the end of Carter’s presidency, one poll put his job approval rating at 21% — lower than Nixon’s when he resigned in disgrace and among the lowest of any White House occupant since World War II. In a rarity for an incumbent president, Carter faced a formidable primary challenge in 1980 from Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, a favorite of the Democratic Party’s liberal wing. Although Carter prevailed, his nomination was in doubt until the party’s August convention. The enmity between Carter and Kennedy, two of the most important Democratic political figures of their generation, continued throughout their lives. In Kennedy’s memoir, published shortly after his death in 2009, he called Carter petty and guilty of “a failure to listen.” While promoting the publication of “White House Diary,” Carter said Kennedy had “deliberately” blocked Carter’s comprehensive healthcare proposals in the late 1970s in hopes of defeating the president in the primary. In the 1980 general election, Carter faced Reagan, then 69, who campaigned on a promise to increase military spending and rescue the economy by cutting taxes and decreasing regulation. Carter lost in a 51% to 41% thumping — he won just six states and the District of Columbia — that devastated the man known for his toothy smile and sent him back to his hometown, an ex-president at 56. A year later, he and Rosalynn founded the Carter Center, which pressed for peaceful solutions to world conflicts, promoted human rights and worked to eradicate disease in the poorest nations. The center, based in Atlanta, launched a new phase of Carter’s public life, one that would move the same historians who called Carter a weak president to label him one of America’s greatest former leaders. His post-presidential years were both “historic and polarizing,” as Princeton University historian Julian E. Zelizer put it in a 2010 biography of Carter. Zelizer said Carter “refused to be constrained politically when pursuing his international agenda” as an ex-president, and became “an enormously powerful figure on the international stage.” When Carter appeared on “The Colbert Report” in 2014, host Stephen Colbert asked him, “You invented the idea of the post-presidency. What inspired you to do that?” “I didn’t have anything else to do,” Carter replied. He traveled widely to mediate conflicts and monitor elections around the world, joined Habitat for Humanity to promote “sweat equity” for low-income homeownership, and became a blunt critic of human rights abuses. He angered conservatives and some liberals by advocating negotiations with autocrats — and his criticism of Israeli leaders and support for Palestinian self-determination angered many Jews. A prolific author, Carter covered a range of topics, including the Middle East crisis and the virtues of aging and religion. He penned a memoir on growing up in the rural South as well as a book of poems, and he was the first president to write a novel — “The Hornet’s Nest,” about the South during the Revolutionary War. He won three Grammy Awards as well for best spoken-word album, most recently in 2019 for “Faith: A Journey For All.” As with many former presidents, Carter’s popularity rose in the years after he left office. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for “decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts” and to advance democracy and human rights. By then, two-thirds of Americans said they approved of his presidency. “Jimmy Carter may never be rated a great president,” wrote Charles O. Jones, a University of Wisconsin political scientist, in his chronicle of the Carter presidency. “Yet it will be difficult in the long run to sustain censure of a president motivated to do what is right.” :::: The journey for James Earl Carter Jr. began on Oct. 1, 1924, in the tiny Sumter County, Georgia, town of Plains, home to fewer than 600 people in 2020. He was the first president born in a hospital, but he lived in a house without electricity or indoor plumbing until he was a teenager. His ancestors had been in Georgia for more than two centuries, and he was the fifth generation to own and farm the same land. His father, James Earl Carter Sr., known as Mr. Earl, was a strict disciplinarian and a conservative businessman of some means. His mother, known as Miss Lillian, had more liberal views — she was known for her charity work and for taking in transients and treating Black residents with kindness. (At the age of 70, she joined the Peace Corps, working in India.) Inspired by an uncle who was in the Navy, Carter decided as a first-grader that he wanted to go to the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Md. He became the first member of his family to finish high school, then attended Georgia Tech before heading for the academy, where he studied engineering and graduated in 1946, 59th in a class of 820. Before his last year in Annapolis, while home for the summer, he met Eleanor Rosalynn Smith, a friend of his sister Ruth’s. He and a friend invited the two young women to the movies, and when he returned home that night, he told his mother he had met “the girl I want to marry.” He proposed that Christmas, but Rosalynn declined because she felt she was too young (she was 18 and a sophomore in college). Several weeks later, while she was visiting Carter at the academy, he asked again. This time she said yes. Carter applied to America’s new nuclear-powered submarine program under the command of the icy and demanding Capt. (later Adm.) Hyman Rickover. During Carter’s interview, Rickover asked whether he had done his best at Annapolis. “I started to say, ‘Yes, sir,’ but ... I recalled several of the many times at the Academy when I could have learned more about our allies, our enemies, weapons, strategy and so forth,” Carter wrote in his autobiography. “... I finally gulped and said, ‘No, sir, I didn’t always do my best.’” To which Rickover replied: “Why not?” Carter got the job, and would later make “Why not the best?” his campaign slogan. The Carters had three sons, who all go by nicknames — John William “Jack,” James Earl “Chip” and Donnel Jeffrey “Jeff.” Carter and Rosalynn had wanted to have more children, but an obstetrician said that surgery Rosalynn had to remove a tumor on her uterus would make that impossible. Fifteen years after Jeffrey was born, the Carters had a daughter, Amy, who “made us young again,” Carter would later write. While in the Navy, Carter took graduate courses in nuclear physics and served as a submariner on the USS Pomfret. But his military career was cut short when his father died, and he moved back to Georgia in 1953 to help run the family business, which was in disarray. In his first year back on the farm, Carter turned a profit of less than $200, the equivalent of about $2,200 today. But with Rosalynn’s help, he expanded the business. In addition to farming 3,100 acres, the family soon operated a seed and fertilizer business, warehouses, a peanut-shelling plant and a cotton gin. By the time he began his campaign for the White House 20 years later, Carter had a net worth of about $800,000, and the revenue from his enterprises was more than $2 million a year. Carter entered electoral politics in 1962, and asked voters to call him “Jimmy.” He ran for a seat in the Georgia Senate against an incumbent backed by a local political boss who stuffed the ballot box. Trailing by 139 votes after the primary, Carter waged a furious legal battle, which he described years later in his book “Turning Point.” Carter got a recount, the primary result was reversed, and he went on to win the general election. The victory was a defining moment for Carter, the outsider committed to fairness and honesty who had successfully battled establishment politicians corrupted by their ties to special interests. In two terms in the Georgia Senate, Carter established a legislative record that was socially progressive and fiscally conservative. He first ran for governor in 1966, but finished third in the primary. Over the next four years, he made 1,800 speeches and shook hands with an estimated 600,000 people — a style of campaigning that paid off in the 1970 gubernatorial election and later in his bid for the White House. In his inaugural address as governor in 1971, Carter made national news by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” He had a portrait of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. hung in a hall at the Capitol in Atlanta. But when Carter launched his official campaign for the White House in December 1974, he was still so little-known outside Georgia that a celebrity panel on the TV show “What’s My Line?” couldn’t identify him. In the beginning, many scoffed at the temerity of a peanut farmer and one-term governor running for the highest office in the land. After Carter met with House Speaker Thomas P. “Tip” O’Neill Jr., the speaker was asked whom he had been talking to. “Some fellow named Jimmy Carter from Georgia. Says he’s running for president,” O’Neill replied. In a meeting with editors of the Los Angeles Times in 1975, Carter said he planned to gain the presidency by building a network of supporters and by giving his candidacy an early boost by winning the Iowa caucuses. Until then, Iowa had been a bit player in the nominating process, mostly ignored by strategists. But Carter’s victory there vaulted him to front-runner status — and Iowa into a major role in presidential nominations. His emergence from the pack of Democratic hopefuls was helped by the release of his well-reviewed autobiography “Why Not the Best?” in which he described his upbringing on the farm and his traditional moral values. On the campaign trail, Carter came across as refreshingly candid and even innocent — an antidote to the atmosphere of scandal that had eroded confidence in public officials since the events leading to Nixon’s resignation on Aug. 9, 1974. A Baptist Sunday school teacher, Carter was among the first presidential candidates to embrace the label of born-again Christian. That was underscored when, in an interview with Playboy magazine, he made headlines by admitting, “I’ve looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times. God knows I will do this and forgives me.” Carter had emerged from the Democratic National Convention in July with a wide lead over Ford, Nixon’s vice president and successor, but by the time of the Playboy interview in September, his numbers were tumbling. By election day, the contest was a dead heat. Carter, running on a ticket with Walter F. Mondale for his vice president, eked out a victory with one of the narrower margins in U.S. presidential history, winning 50.1% to 48% of the popular vote and 297 electoral votes, 27 more than needed. Many of Carter’s supporters hoped he would usher in a new era of liberal policies. But he saw his role as more of a problem-solver than a politician, and as an outsider who promised to shake things up in Washington, he often acted unilaterally. A few weeks into his term, Carter announced that he was cutting off federal funding to 18 water projects around the country to save money and protect the environment. Lawmakers, surprised by the assault on their pet projects, were livid. He ultimately backed down on some of the cuts. But his relationship with Congress never fully healed. Members often complained that they couldn’t get in to see him, and that when they did he was in a rush to show them the door. His relationship with the media, as he acknowledged later in life, was similarly fraught. Carter’s image as a reformer also took a hit early in his presidency after he appointed Bert Lance, a longtime confidant, to head the Office of Management and Budget. Within months of the appointment, questions were raised about Lance’s personal financial affairs as a Georgia banker. Adamant that Lance had done nothing wrong, Carter dug in his heels and publicly told his friend, “Bert, I’m proud of you.” Still, Lance resigned under pressure, and although he was later acquitted of criminal charges, the damage to Carter had been done. As Mondale later put it: “It made people realize that we were no different than anybody else.” When Carter did score legislative victories, the cost was high. In 1978, he pushed the Senate to ratify the Panama Canal treaties to eventually hand control of the canal over to Panama. But conservatives criticized the move as a diminution of U.S. strength, and even the Democratic National Committee declined to endorse it. Carter’s most significant foreign policy accomplishment was the 1978 Camp David agreement, a peace pact between Israel and Egypt. But he followed that with several unpopular moves, including his decree that the United States would not participate in the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, as a protest against the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. It was the only time in Olympic history that the United States had boycotted an Olympics; the Soviets responded by boycotting the 1984 Summer Games in Los Angeles. Carter had taken a series of largely symbolic steps to dispel the imperial image of the presidency. After he took the oath of office on a wintry day, he and the new first lady emerged from their motorcade and walked part of the way from the Capitol to the White House. He ended chauffeur-driven cars for top staff members, sold the presidential yacht, went to the White House mess hall for lunch with the staff and conducted town meetings around the country. He suspended the playing of “Hail to the Chief” whenever he arrived at an event, though he later allowed the practice to resume. On the domestic front, he was saddled with a country in crisis. Inflation galloped at rates up to 14%, and global gasoline shortages closed service stations and created high prices and long lines. Interest rates for home mortgages soared above 14%. In his first televised fireside chat, he wore a cardigan sweater and encouraged Americans to conserve energy during the winter by keeping their thermostats at 65 degrees in the daytime and 55 degrees at night. He also proposed a string of legislative initiatives to deal with the crisis, but many were blocked by Congress. In what would become a seminal moment in his presidency, Carter addressed the nation — and a television audience of more than 60 million — on a Sunday evening in 1979, saying the country had been seized by a “crisis of confidence ... that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will.” He outlined a series of proposals to develop new sources of energy. The address, widely known as the “malaise speech” even though Carter never used that word, was generally well-received at the time, though some bristled at the implication that Americans were to blame for the country’s problems. Any positive glow disappeared two days later, when Carter fired five of his top officials, including the Energy, Treasury and Transportation secretaries and his attorney general. The value of the dollar sank and the stock market tumbled. Sensing that Carter was politically vulnerable, Kennedy moved to present himself as an alternative for the 1980 Democratic nomination, publicly criticizing the president’s agenda. But Kennedy damaged his own candidacy in a prime-time interview with CBS’ Roger Mudd: Asked why he was running for president, Kennedy fumbled his answer, and critics cited it as evidence that the senator didn’t want the job so much as he felt obligated to seek it. A few months after the malaise speech, in late 1979, revolutionaries loyal to Iran’s spiritual leader, the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 52 Americans hostage. Weeks stretched into months, with Iran refusing all efforts to negotiate a hostage release. In April 1980, Carter approved Operation Eagle Claw, a secret Delta Force rescue mission. But it ended in disaster — mechanical trouble sidelined three helicopters and, after the mission was aborted, one of the remaining helicopters collided with a transport plane on the ground, killing eight soldiers. Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance resigned before the mission, believing the plan too risky. Negotiations to free the hostages resumed, and Carter desperately tried to win their release before the November election. But the Iranians prolonged the talks and the hostages weren’t released until Jan. 20, 1981, moments after Carter watched Reagan being sworn in. The journey home for Carter was painful. Of those who voted for Reagan in 1980, nearly 1 in 4 said they were primarily motivated by their dissatisfaction with Carter. :::: Carter faced “an altogether new, unwanted and potentially empty life,” as he later put it. He sold the family farm-supply business, which had been placed in a blind trust during his presidency and was by then deeply in debt. Then, as Rosalynn later recalled, Carter awoke one night with an idea to build not just a presidential library but a place to resolve global conflicts. Together, they founded the nonprofit, nonpartisan Carter Center. His skill as a mediator made Carter a ready choice for future presidents seeking envoys to navigate crises. Republican President George H.W. Bush sent him on peace missions to Ethiopia and Sudan, and President Bill Clinton, a fellow Democrat, dispatched him to North Korea, Haiti and what then was Yugoslavia. Carter described his relationship with President Barack Obama as chilly, however, in part because he had openly criticized the administration’s policies toward Israel. He felt Obama did not strongly enough support a separate Palestinian state. “Every president has been a very powerful factor here in advocating this two-state solution,” Carter told the New York Times in 2012. “That is now not apparent.” As an election observer, he called them as he saw them. After monitoring presidential voting in Panama in 1989, he declared that Manuel Noriega had rigged the election. He also began building houses worldwide for Habitat for Humanity, and he wrote prodigiously. The Nobel committee awarded Carter the Peace Prize in 2002, more than two decades after he left the White House, praising him for standing by “the principles that conflicts must as far as possible be resolved through mediation and international cooperation.” During his 70s, 80s and even into his 90s, the former president showed an energy that never failed to impress those around him. In his 1998 book “The Virtues of Aging,” he urged retirees to remain active and engaged, and he followed his own advice, continuing to jog, play tennis and go fly-fishing well into his 80s. When his “White House Diary” was published in 2010, he embarked on a nationwide book tour at 85, as he did in 2015 with the publication of “A Full Life: Reflections at 90.” When he told America he had cancer that had spread to his liver and brain, it was vintage Carter. Wearing a coat and tie and a pair of blue jeans, he stared into the television cameras and was unflinchingly blunt about his prognosis. “Hope for the best; accept what comes,” he said. “I think I have been as blessed as any human being in the world.” Former Times staff writers Jack Nelson, Robert Shogan and Johanna Neuman contributed to this report. ©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.Maupay also had a dig at Everton when he departed on loan to Marseille in the summer and his latest taunt has further angered the Premier League club’s supporters. The 28-year-old said on X after Sean Dyche’s side had lost 2-0 to Nottingham Forest at Goodison Park on Sunday: “Whenever I’m having a bad day I just check the Everton score and smile.” Former boxer Tony Bellew was among the Toffees’ supporters who responded to Maupay, with the ex-world cruiserweight champion replying on X with: “P****!” Maupay endured a miserable spell at Everton, scoring just one league goal in 29 appearances after being signed by the Merseysiders for an undisclosed fee in 2022. He departed on a season-long loan to his former club Brentford for the 2023-24 season and left Goodison for a second time in August when Marseille signed him on loan with an obligation to make the deal permanent. After leaving Everton in the summer, Maupay outraged their fans by posting on social media a scene from the film Shawshank Redemption, famous for depicting the main character’s long fight for freedom.

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EDMONTON — Alberta Premier Danielle Smith says her government is making major changes to auto insurance, including rate hikes and switching to a predominantly no-fault claims model. Under the new system, car accident victims in most cases won’t be able to sue the party responsible for their injury and, instead, insurers would pay compensation at rates set by the government. By cutting down litigation costs, the government estimates that when the new system is in place in 2027, it could lead to savings of up to $400 per year for the average insurance premium. It's also promising better support and benefits for those hurt in collisions. "This is a care-focused system," Smith told a news conference at the legislature Thursday. “Instead of forcing people through complex legal processes in order to get the treatment that they need, the system default will be that those injured in collisions get the care they need to recover." Until the new model kicks in, insurers will be allowed to raise rates for good drivers up to 7.5 per cent each year, starting in January. The government said the hikes will help insurers pay rising legal costs and payouts along with covering off the impacts of natural disasters like hailstorms. The 7.5 per cent cap is more than double the United Conservative government’s rate increase cap of 3.7 per cent, which is set to expire at the end of the year. The province also rolled out some of the details of the new system. Among the changes, crash victims will be able to sue at-fault drivers for pain and suffering if the at-fault driver is convicted of a criminal offence, such as dangerous driving or impaired driving. If expenses go beyond what’s covered by the standard benefits, injured parties could also sue for out-of-pocket expenses. The government plans to create an independent body to allow those injured in traffic accidents the ability to appeal decisions made by insurers. Good driver rates won't apply for drivers who switch insurance companies. The changes mirror the kind of litigation currently allowed in Saskatchewan’s no-fault, public system. Based on government-commissioned reports, the changes could lead to the loss of between 650 and 800 legal support jobs. The province has declined to move toward a publicly delivered insurance system, despite estimates it would save drivers even more money in premium payments. Smith has pointed to prohibitively expensive startup costs approaching $3 billion for a public system, not to mention the loss of thousands of private sector jobs. Alberta NDP Leader Naheed Nenshi said the price tag for setting up a public option is dwarfed by how much extra Albertans pay in premiums. “(Smith) is basically saying, ‘I don't want to spend the money, but you get to spend the money when you pay your premium every month,'” Nenshi said. He said the UCP’s solution will only lead to higher premiums. The moves come after the Insurance Bureau of Canada warned the insurance "crisis" was only hurting drivers. Two private insurance companies have recently left the province while citing the squeeze of higher costs. The Alberta Superintendent of Insurance estimates one-third of the 67 auto insurers in 2023 lost money on the insurance. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 21, 2024. Lisa Johnson, The Canadian Press

Liverpool will start 2025 as Premier League leaders following a 3-1 Boxing Day home win over Leicester City . Arne Slot's team battled back from a shock setback at Anfield as Jordan Ayew put the Foxes ahead after just six minutes on Merseyside. However, the hosts rallied in the fog, as Cody Gakpo's wonder strike levelled the contest before half-time. MORE: All the latest Liverpool news | Premier League schedule for 2024/25 | Latest Premier League top scorer rankings The EPL pace setters stepped up the tempo after the restart, as Curtis Jones netted on his 100th Premier League appearance, and talisman Mohamed Salah cut inside to curl home his 16th league goal of 2024/25. Liverpool are now seven points clear at the top of the EPL rankings , plus a game in hand over second place Chelsea , who lost at Nottingham Forest. Salah's future remains a huge topic of discussion for Liverpool fans, with his contract expiring at the end of the season, and no firm update on a renewal. The Egypt international starts the final six months of his deal in January - where he is eligible to open free transfer talks with non-English clubs - alongside fellow expirees Trent Alexander-Arnold and captain Virgil van Dijk. Salah has dropped a string of hints over his next step , indicating he is hopeful of extending, but non-committal over whether an agreement can be reached. "[On scoring 100 home Premier League goals] It's something I'm very proud of. We keep working hard and hopefully I can go a bit further," as per Amazon Prime, via BBC Sport . "The most important thing is the team winning - hopefully we win the Premier League. This win is very special, hopefully we can go on and win the title - for this club, it's something I dream of." Slot's charges end 2024 at West Ham United on December 29 - but they cannot be knocked off top spot before the end of 2024 - as Chelsea and Arsenal look to chase them down.Cavs Star Darius Garland to Join Mayor Bibb to Serve Meals as Part of the Inaugural MealsGiving On November 26

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Maupay also had a dig at Everton when he departed on loan to Marseille in the summer and his latest taunt has further angered the Premier League club’s supporters. The 28-year-old said on X after Sean Dyche’s side had lost 2-0 to Nottingham Forest at Goodison Park on Sunday: “Whenever I’m having a bad day I just check the Everton score and smile.” Whenever I’m having a bad day I just check the Everton score and smile 🙂 — Neal Maupay (@nealmaupay_) December 29, 2024 Former boxer Tony Bellew was among the Toffees’ supporters who responded to Maupay, with the ex-world cruiserweight champion replying on X with: “P****!” Maupay endured a miserable spell at Everton, scoring just one league goal in 29 appearances after being signed by the Merseysiders for an undisclosed fee in 2022. He departed on a season-long loan to his former club Brentford for the 2023-24 season and left Goodison for a second time in August when Marseille signed him on loan with an obligation to make the deal permanent. After leaving Everton in the summer, Maupay outraged their fans by posting on social media a scene from the film Shawshank Redemption, famous for depicting the main character’s long fight for freedom.Mutual of America Capital Management LLC decreased its position in shares of Louisiana-Pacific Co. ( NYSE:LPX – Free Report ) by 7.4% during the 3rd quarter, according to its most recent filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). The firm owned 33,805 shares of the building manufacturing company’s stock after selling 2,718 shares during the period. Mutual of America Capital Management LLC’s holdings in Louisiana-Pacific were worth $3,633,000 at the end of the most recent reporting period. A number of other institutional investors have also recently added to or reduced their stakes in the company. William Blair Investment Management LLC purchased a new stake in shares of Louisiana-Pacific during the second quarter worth about $91,053,000. Marshall Wace LLP increased its holdings in Louisiana-Pacific by 92.4% during the 2nd quarter. Marshall Wace LLP now owns 1,255,474 shares of the building manufacturing company’s stock worth $103,363,000 after purchasing an additional 602,803 shares during the last quarter. Renaissance Technologies LLC increased its holdings in Louisiana-Pacific by 188.3% during the 2nd quarter. Renaissance Technologies LLC now owns 447,400 shares of the building manufacturing company’s stock worth $36,834,000 after purchasing an additional 292,200 shares during the last quarter. Assenagon Asset Management S.A. raised its position in shares of Louisiana-Pacific by 768.5% in the 2nd quarter. Assenagon Asset Management S.A. now owns 270,341 shares of the building manufacturing company’s stock valued at $22,257,000 after purchasing an additional 239,212 shares in the last quarter. Finally, Westwood Holdings Group Inc. purchased a new position in shares of Louisiana-Pacific during the 1st quarter valued at approximately $15,649,000. Institutional investors and hedge funds own 94.73% of the company’s stock. Louisiana-Pacific Trading Up 1.3 % NYSE:LPX opened at $115.92 on Friday. The stock has a market cap of $8.14 billion, a price-to-earnings ratio of 19.99, a PEG ratio of 2.69 and a beta of 1.88. The company has a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.21, a quick ratio of 1.69 and a current ratio of 2.92. Louisiana-Pacific Co. has a 1 year low of $60.27 and a 1 year high of $117.59. The business has a fifty day moving average of $105.73 and a 200-day moving average of $95.76. Louisiana-Pacific Announces Dividend Insider Transactions at Louisiana-Pacific In related news, Director Ozey K. Horton, Jr. sold 300 shares of Louisiana-Pacific stock in a transaction dated Tuesday, November 12th. The stock was sold at an average price of $113.41, for a total transaction of $34,023.00. Following the transaction, the director now directly owns 28,638 shares of the company’s stock, valued at $3,247,835.58. The trade was a 1.04 % decrease in their ownership of the stock. The transaction was disclosed in a legal filing with the Securities & Exchange Commission, which is available at the SEC website . Also, Director Lizanne C. Gottung sold 2,500 shares of the company’s stock in a transaction dated Monday, September 16th. The shares were sold at an average price of $98.30, for a total transaction of $245,750.00. Following the completion of the sale, the director now directly owns 21,005 shares of the company’s stock, valued at $2,064,791.50. The trade was a 10.64 % decrease in their ownership of the stock. The disclosure for this sale can be found here . Company insiders own 1.26% of the company’s stock. Analysts Set New Price Targets A number of brokerages recently issued reports on LPX. Truist Financial lifted their price target on shares of Louisiana-Pacific from $105.00 to $113.00 and gave the stock a “buy” rating in a research note on Tuesday, October 15th. Bank of America boosted their target price on shares of Louisiana-Pacific from $73.00 to $75.00 and gave the stock an “underperform” rating in a research report on Thursday, September 12th. The Goldman Sachs Group increased their price target on shares of Louisiana-Pacific from $90.00 to $99.00 and gave the stock a “sell” rating in a research report on Wednesday, November 6th. Royal Bank of Canada boosted their price objective on Louisiana-Pacific from $119.00 to $125.00 and gave the company an “outperform” rating in a report on Wednesday, November 6th. Finally, StockNews.com downgraded Louisiana-Pacific from a “buy” rating to a “hold” rating in a report on Sunday, November 10th. Two analysts have rated the stock with a sell rating, six have issued a hold rating and three have issued a buy rating to the company. According to MarketBeat, the stock currently has a consensus rating of “Hold” and a consensus price target of $102.22. Get Our Latest Report on LPX About Louisiana-Pacific ( Free Report ) Louisiana-Pacific Corporation, together with its subsidiaries, provides building solutions primarily for use in new home construction, repair and remodeling, and outdoor structure markets. It operates through Siding, Oriented Strand Board, LP South America, and Other segments. The Siding segment offers LP SmartSide trim and siding products, LP SmartSide ExpertFinish trim and siding products, LP BuilderSeries lap siding products, and LP Outdoor Building Solutions; and engineered wood siding, trim, soffit, and fascia products. See Also Receive News & Ratings for Louisiana-Pacific Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Louisiana-Pacific and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .

ORONO, Maine (AP) — Michael McNair scored 16 points to lead Boston University and Malcolm Chimezie sealed the victory with a layup with 20 seconds left as the Terriers took down Maine 59-56 on Sunday. McNair also had six rebounds for the Terriers (6-7). Kyrone Alexander scored 13 points and added five rebounds. Chimezie shot 4 of 7 from the field and 0 for 3 from the line to finish with eight points. Kellen Tynes led the way for the Black Bears (8-7) with 17 points, four assists and three steals. Maine also got 12 points from Christopher Mantis. Quion Burns had eight points. McNair scored seven points in the first half and Boston University went into halftime trailing 27-19. Alexander scored a team-high 10 points for Boston University in the second half. Boston University outscored Maine by 11 points over the final half. Boston University's next game is Thursday against Lafayette on the road, and Maine visits Bryant on Saturday. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .Automotive Intelligent Lighting System Market Opportunities and Competitive Strategies 2024-2031

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