QUINCY, Ill. — West Hancock girls basketball coach Jerry Jerome had expressed his frustration at his Titans fourth quarter play. Finishing was the key point. A point the Titans took to heart. In a game against Palmyra, Mo., Saturday in the Rumble on the River at John Wood Community College, West Hancock won 53-46. The Titans outscored Palmyra 16-10 in the fourth quarter behind junior Jadyn Climer’s MVP performance. Climer nailed 18 points and hammered the boards for 17 rebounds. Classmate Lucy Woodworth chipped in 11 points and DeeDee Church scored 10 points. In a game that saw a 20-20 halftime score, there were 18 lead changes before the Titans asserted themselves in the fourth quarter. Jerome went to a triangle-and-two defense on Palmyra’s two best players. Climer scored half of her points in the final stanza. “I work(ed) over the summer with (John Wood women’s basketball head coach) Ali Schwagmeyer-Belger and (QU women’s basketball head coach) Courtney Boyd (to) just go out there and say this ball is mine,” said Climer to the Herald-Whig’s Mike Thomas. “When I need to score and I need to get the rebound, I just know I’m going to get it.” By accomplishing simple game goals, Climer has long-range goals, like college, in mind “She comes to the gym every day ready to practice hard,” Jerome told the Herald-Whig. “She gets to the game and refuses to lose. She just goes and gets the ball.” The Titans are 8-5 and play Thursday in the Beardstown tournament.Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has sued the NCAA to block the participation of transgender athletes in women's sports, arguing that it tricks and misleads fans. The lawsuit filed in state district court in Lubbock and announced Sunday argues the NCAA violates the Texas Deceptive Trade Practices Act by promoting women's sports that may include a transgender athlete. The law is designed to protect consumers from being misled or tricked into buying products or services that are not as advertised, the lawsuit said. The Texas lawsuit is the latest attempt by conservative politicians to target transgender athletes and push the NCAA into banning them from competition. President-elect Donald Trump has said he wants to stop trans athletes from competing. The lawsuit seeks an injunction to stop the NCAA from allowing transgender athletes to compete in women's sports in Texas, or in sports that involve Texas programs. Or it wants the court to require the NCAA to stop marketing events as women's sports if transgender athletes are allowed. In a statement, Paxton appeared to reference the recent controversy involving San Jose State women's volleyball, where several opponents forfeited matches this season on grounds the Spartans had a transgender player. A federal court last month refused to block the school from playing in the Mountain West Conference championship. "When people watch a women's volleyball game, for example, they expect to see women playing against other women, not biological males pretending to be something they are not," Paxton said. "Radical 'gender theory' has no place in college sports." The Associated Press is withholding the player's name because she has not publicly commented on her gender identity and, through school officials, has declined an interview request. Paxton accused the NCAA of "intentionally and knowingly jeopardizing the safety and wellbeing of women" and turning women's sports into "co-ed competitions." The NCAA does not track data on transgender athletes among the 544,000 athletes currently competing on 19,000 teams at various levels across the country. NCAA President Charlie Baker testified in Congress earlier this month that he was aware of fewer than 10 active NCAA athletes who identified as transgender. "College sports are the premier stage for women's sports in America, and while the NCAA does not comment on pending litigation, the Association and its members will continue to promote Title IX, make unprecedented investments in women's sports and ensure fair competition in all NCAA championships," the NCAA said in a statement Monday. Brooke Slusser, the San Jose State volleyball co-captain who was among the players who sued the Mountain West Conference over her teammate's participation, praised the Texas lawsuit on social media. "Hey NCAA, just in case you haven't realized yet this fight will just keep getting harder for you until you make a change!" Slusser posted on X. The NCAA established a policy in 2010 that requires trans athletes who were assigned male at birth to complete at least one year of testosterone suppression therapy before being eligible to compete on a women's team. Trans athletes who were assigned female at birth and transitioned to male can compete on a men's team, but if they have received testosterone treatment, they are ineligible to compete on a women's team. Athletes are required to meet their chosen sport's standards for documented testosterone levels at various points during the season. In 2022, the NCAA revised its policy in what the organization called an attempt to align with national sports governing bodies. If a governing body does not have a trans athlete policy, then the policy of the international federation that oversees the sport applies. If there is no international federation policy, then the previously established Olympic policy criteria would be followed.When Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected President of Sri Lanka in September, and his National People’s Power [NPP] alliance swept the general elections on November 14, most international news headlines stamped the winners as ‘Marxist’. The tag was hardly positive or even neutral with its connotations of wild-eyed radicalism. The insinuation was that Sri Lanka’s ongoing programme with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) would derail, and economic stability and recovery would be disrupted. President Dissanayake, through his November 21 policy statement to the new Parliament, that he will take forward the IMF framework and the aligned debt treatment plans — finalised by his predecessor — tried to allay these fears. President Dissanayake, through his November 21 policy statement to the new Parliament, that the IMF framework and the aligned debt treatment plans with bilateral and private creditors — finalised by his predecessor — will go ahead, tried to allay these fears. So where does this ‘Marxist label’ on Sri Lanka’s new government come from? The NPP is an eclectic social coalition of some 21 groups, including political parties, youth and women’s organisations, trade unions and civil society networks. But one political party forms its political, if not ideological, core — the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP or People’s Liberation Front). In fact, it was JVP leader Mr. Dissanayake who created the NPP in 2019 to widen the party’s appeal beyond its traditional cadre base and boost its chances at the polls. His political enterprise, which has now secured a massive victory, has turned a new page in post-colonial Sri Lanka, where politics has been dominated by just two parties and their offshoots, and the five elite families controlling them. The JVP’s office in Battaramulla, a suburb about 10 km east of Colombo, is located close to parliament, although the party has rarely been close to power in the six decades of its existence. Three large black-and-white portraits of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Vladimir Lenin adorn the white wall of the main meeting room. Party cadre, regardless of position or prominence, make and serve tea to their guests. Above the reception desk at the entrance is a photograph of the party’s founder and charismatic leader Rohana Wijeweera, an infallible icon for its cadre. His mane, cap, and beard suggest Che Guevara-inspired self-styling. Wijeweera began what became the JVP in 1965, exactly three decades after Ceylon’s left movement birthed the country’s oldest party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), consequent to serial fractures within the Left. The LSSP split during the Second World War, leading to the formation of a pro-Moscow Communist Party. The cracks within the CP in the 1960s, triggered by the Sino-Soviet dispute, and internal tensions over the parliamentary road to socialism would, in turn, lead to the formation of the JVP, as a revolutionary party with Marxist-Leninist orientation. ‘Five classes’ Attracted to Maoism in his student days in the Soviet Union, Wijeweera joined the Communist Party (Peking wing – CP) of Sri Lanka in 1964, and became a youth leader. He challenged the party’s leadership, on their interpretation of class politics and revolution, and was subsequently expelled in 1965. His independent faction morphed into the JVP. Wijeweera and his comrades held political lessons for rural Sinhala youth, called the “Five Classes” that analysed Sri Lanka’s social and political order; Indian hegemony; the reformist left and coalition politics; and the parliamentary road to socialism. As part of preparation to achieving their objective of seizing state power, they trained in the use of shotguns and put together explosive devices. The story of the JVP’s rise in the late 1960s and fall in the next two decades unravels in the backdrop of two major changes in Sri Lanka — President J.R. Jayewardene’s open economic reform in 1977 and the beginning of a full-blown civil war after the 1983, state-sponsored anti-Tamil pogrom that he falsely attributed to Left parties, including the JVP. The JVP’s first insurrection in 1971 came out of frustration that the left-wing Sirimavo Bandaranaike-led government was not doing enough to meet the aspirations of educated but unemployed young people, and in changing the social, economic and political order inherited from the British. The discourse was anti-imperialist and socialist. The insurgents attacked dozens of police stations, to capture weapons and ammunition. The second insurrection, from 1987 to 1989, roughly coincided with the party’s embrace of Sinhala-nationalism; its fierce opposition to Tamil self-determination; and to the signing of the India-brokered 1987 Accord aimed at ending the war, with boots-on-the-ground in the form of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). To Tamils in the far north of the island, the JVP appeared as Sinhala chauvinist instead of progressive, although the party never directly engaged in anti-Tamil violence. In both insurrections, where the JVP took up arms against the state, its representatives, supporters, and dissidents from the Left [in the second insurrection], the state’s counter-insurgency response was many times more lethal, resulting in the death and disappearance of tens of thousands of Sinhala youth. Wijeweera himself was executed while in state custody in 1989. Somawansa Amarasinghe, the only politburo member to survive the repression of the 1980s, escaped to India and subsequently to Europe. After a few years of underground existence, the surviving cadre resurrected the party, even as the country was increasingly preoccupied with massive human rights violations in the south and the raging war in the north-east. The JVP tentatively contested in the 1994 general election through another party, winning one seat. Within the next few years, the JVP warmed up to the political mainstream, winning more seats in parliament between 2000 and 2004, and four Cabinet-level ministerial portfolios in 2004–05, in a short-lived coalition with the Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga government. Two splits The new course of the JVP is defined by two consequential splits, linked to the party’s proximity to Mahinda Rajapaksa who began dominating the political scene from the early 2000s. They were also fuelled by internal differences on the dilution of leftism for “patriotism” (Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism), versus emphasis on Wijeweera’s socialist ideology and the party distancing itself from Mr. Rajapaksa and his pro-war stance. Since the breakdown of the 2001-03 ceasefire, the JVP unambiguously backed Mr. Rajapaksa’s hawkishness in delivering a political solution to the Tamil question, and the military defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), with scant regard to Tamil lives. The JVP’s differences with Rajapaksa were more to do with their unease over ‘family-rule’ and his socio-economic policies rather than his militaristic response. However, its parliamentary group leader and reactionary politician Wimal Weerawansa disagreed, and broke away with a quarter of its legislators, forming the Jathika Nidahas Peramuna or National Freedom Front in 2008, that until recently firmly planted itself in the Rajapaksa camp. Four years later a Marxist faction within the residual JVP also split from it, criticising the party’s unconditional support to the Rajapaksa regime on the handling of the war, and its complete surrender to electoral politics. This group led by Kumar Gunaratnam formed the Frontline Socialist Party in 2012, the chief critic of the JVP today, from the left. In 2014, Mr. Dissanayake was named leader of a party that had to stabilise itself, after shedding both its racist right-wing and its dissenting left-wing. The splits allowed the JVP to refashion itself, blurring its past profiles, and making a reputation for itself inside and outside parliament, as a bold critic of corruption and nepotism, and as an upholder of the rule of law and liberal democratic norms. The party, till date, is wary of clearly defining its position on the unresolved ethnic question. It also evades the language of class politics. In an interview to The Hindu in December 2023, Mr. Dissanayake said: “Labels have always given wrong perceptions. Left politics is not a bad thing, it is a good thing. Some people demonise this. That is why we say we are focussed more on working for the majority of our people, rather than on labels.” Published - November 24, 2024 04:00 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit Sri Lanka / national elections / The Hindu Profiles / The Hindu Explains

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The incumbent Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Punjab is set to install its mayors in Patiala, where it has gained a clear-cut majority, and Jalandhar, where three opposition councillors and two independents have extended their support. Overall in five municipal corporation elections, the party has won 179 wards out of a total 368 that went to polls. Election in seven wards of Patiala was deferred after high court orders. In Ludhiana, AAP has emerged as the single largest party with 41 councillors in the 95-member House and is eight short of majority. One independent councillor has already extended support to AAP. It is learnt that the Congress and the BJP are trying to patch up an alliance to keep AAP away from gaining a majority in Ludhiana. The party got a clear-cut majority in Patiala, where it won 43 seats out of 53 wards that went to polls. However in Amritsar, it won 24 seats in the 85-member House and in Phagwara, the party won 12 wards out of a total of 50 members. The saving grace for the party is the municipal councils and notified area committees, where it registered a majority in 31 civic bodies out of 41 where the polls were conducted. The Congress party won on eight bodies and BJP on two, bucking the trend wherein the party running the government generally sweeps the civic polls. “This is where the difference comes. Our government believes in fair play,” said AAP Punjab unit president Aman Arora, who along with chief minister Bhagwant Mann has extensively campaigned for the polls. He added that overall AAP’s performance was satisfactory as the party won 55% of seats in the entire elections in 46 civic bodies. Further, according to Arora, 15% of independent candidates have won the election which shows fairness. “The three political parties – Congress BJP and SAD could win only 30% of seats, which shows the strength of our government,” said Arora.

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MILLIONS of Black Friday shoppers searching for bargains risk being conned by fake customer reviews. One in seven online testimonials are in fact false, according to government data. If you fall for a bogus review then you could end up wasting your money on poor or even dangerous products. Charlotte Sheridan, founder of The Small Biz Expert, which helps its clients get genuine reviews, says: “Unfortunately, there are a lot of fake reviews online, so it’s always best to delve a bit deeper, especially if you’re parting with a lot of money.” This Black Friday week, Mel Hunter reveals how to spot them. HOW DO FAKES HAPPEN? INCREASINGLY, AI -generated posts are cropping up online. Read More on Money It affects companies big and small. In 2023 alone, Amazon — which claims it has “zero tolerance” for fake reviews — blocked 250million of the posts. A new law, the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act, is due to come into force in April next year, banning fake reviews and making companies responsible for checking them. But in practice they can be hard to spot — and difficult to police. Most read in Money There are some tell-tale signs, though. Before you part with your money this Black Friday, sort out the real reviews from the false ones so you spend more wisely. LOOK FOR DETAIL WHEN it comes to sorting genuine experiences from those that have been made up, you need to read between the lines. Fake reviews are often vague and lacking in human detail. They might say a product is “great”, without explaining why. A review that repeats phrases from a product’s website can also be a red flag. Amy Cutmore, editor of Expert Reviews, says: “A real review is usually specific and descriptive. “For an air fryer, it might say ‘I cooked bacon in it and it came out nice and crispy’. “If a review reveals no details on the product or the use of it, be suspicious.” SPELLING MISTAKES POOR spelling should make you suspicious. It could be a sign that reviews have come from someone being paid to churn them out in bulk, and often not in their native language. Look at other review sites, too, to get a broader range of views. Charlotte says: “I would always recommend, where possible, looking at more than one platform for reviews. Whether it’s a combination of social media reviews and Google, or Trustpilot and Amazon, use more than one source.” SIZE MATTERS LOOK out for reviews that are very short, or too long. If someone has written a dubious review, they will probably keep it to just a few sentences. A bogus review, produced by AI, on the other hand, could ramble on far too long. A recommendation by a real person is more likely to fall somewhere in between. FIVE-STAR FAKES SHOPPING experts recommend skipping both five-star and one-star reviews, which is where most fakes tend to land. It may mean you miss some genuine recommendations, but you will also get a more rounded picture from three or four-star ones, where real customers weigh up the positives and negatives. Amy says: “If the review makes the product sound far too good to be true, it’s more likely to be fake feedback.” Be especially alert for five-star reviews on unbranded products. Shoppers are more than twice as likely to pick poor-quality products that have been boosted by fraudulent reviews, according to Which? RAINING REVIEWS ANOTHER sign of a dodgy write-up could be a deluge of reviews for the same product landing within just a short space of time, with long gaps between other reviews. It could happen around Black Friday or Christmas when a retailer is trying to shift stock, or around a new launch. Amy says: “This could be a sign that the seller has faked positive feedback in some way.” She recommends a tool that can help spot bogus reviews. Fakespot from Mozilla is a plug-in tool that will help single out false reviews. It can be added to a web browser for free, and it works with Amazon, eBay and Shopify , as well as other e-retail sites. POWER IN THE PROFILE DELVE a bit deeper into a reviewer’s profile. On sites including Google Reviews, Trustpilot and Amazon, you can see what other businesses or products someone has reviewed. Charlotte says: “Here there can be some obvious red flags — for example, if someone is not in the country where the business they are buying from is based. “Also, be sure to take a look at how often they review products and services. “Reviewing lots of different products within a short timeframe may also indicate a false review.” Amy says that if all the reviewer’s posts give five stars, or one, it might show they have been given an incentive to write the posts. £25? what an ice surprise! THOUSANDS of struggling households in more than a dozen postcodes are set to receive cash to help heat their homes as the cold snap takes hold. Those eligible get £25 during each seven-day period of below-zero weather in their area until March 31. The Department for Work and Pensions provides the extra cash to low-income households. To be eligible, you must receive certain benefits, such as Pension Credit, Universal Credit and Income Support, or support for mortgage interest. Those who qualify will have the funds deposited automatically into their bank accounts within 14 days of their postcode being triggered. These postcodes, which have already experienced a period of very low temperatures, are now eligible for a single cold weather payment: CA9-12, CA16-17, DG14, TD9, LA8-10, LA21-23, NE19, NE47-NE49. If you think you could have received the payment, check your bank statement for an item with your National Insurance number followed by the code “DWP CWP”. Further cold weather could lead to additional payments in other areas, and there is no maximum limit to the amount you can receive. For example, almost 500 postcodes got up to £75 last winter . See coldweatherpayments. dwp.gov.uk to check if you will be due a cold weather payment . James Flanders Users are E.ON for payout A MAJOR energy supplier will give £144 in compensation to 250,000 customers. E.ON Next – part of the E.ON Energy Group – has been asked to pay up after it failed to give final bills and refunds to prepayment meter customers . Almost a quarter of a million accounts were affected between February 2021 and September 2023, an investigation by energy regulator Ofgem found. This was due to an error within its billing system, which E.ON Next self-reported to Ofgem. Prepayment customers who changed suppliers or terminated their contract did not receive final bills within six weeks, which is required under Ofgem’s rules. This failure meant existing customers were not aware of cash left over in their accounts, the watchdog said. It was found that some 100,000 of the accounts were in credit, with an average of £51 left over. Impacted customers have been contacted to inform them about the payment, E.ON said. The company also agreed to voluntarily write off debt held by almost 150,000 prepayment meter customers who closed their accounts between February 2021 and September 2023. READ MORE SUN STORIES Beth Martin, director for consumer protection and competition at Ofgem, said: “It’s encouraging that [E.ON Next] self-reported the issue and have worked with us to resolve it.” Laura McGuire

Google Parent Alphabet's Stock Soars to All-Time High - InvestopediaWelcome to the latest edition of Loyalty & Rewards SA. As I write this, I can’t help but reflect on how much loyalty programmes have transformed over the years. If you’re like me, you’ve probably noticed that your inbox is packed with offers from various rewards programmes – each one trying to grab your attention with something just a little more personalised, a little more tailored to your needs. Loyalty today is about so much more than collecting points or redeeming vouchers. It’s evolved into something deeper where brands are working hard to make us feel valued, heard and truly understood. What’s fascinating is how technology is playing a central role in this shift. Brands are using advanced data analytics and artificial intelligence to craft rewards that make sense for our individual lifestyles. It’s no longer a one-size-fits-all approach but rather a thoughtful, personalised experience that keeps us engaged. In this issue, we explore some of the most exciting trends shaping the future of loyalty. Here’s to discovering the future of loyalty, one reward at a time. Brendon Petersen, EditorHry mins review preparedness for Maharishi Valmiki Jayanti celebration