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By BILL BARROW, Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Related Articles Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.Maharashtra Assembly Sees No Increase In Muslim Representation, With 10 MLAs The Same As 2019Nendah Tarke scores 24 to help Towson defeat Morgan State 64-60love vp 。

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When union boss Paddy Crumlin appeared at an international labour conference last month, he entered smiling to the strains of the 1997 hit Tubthumping : “I get knocked down, but I get up again, you’re never going to keep me down.” Crumlin, who led the merger of the Maritime Union he leads with the scandal-plagued CFMEU in 2018, had reason to grin. Wayne Swan, Paddy Crumlin, Nicola Roxon and Julia Angrisano are among the many superannuation fund directors with labour connections. Credit: Monique Westerman In 2021, the Maritime Super fund that Crumlin chaired had performed so poorly that it handed over investment decisions to another fund, Hostplus, and formally merged with it two years later. But this week Crumlin was back as a super fund director. The CFMEU had picked him as a director of Cbus, the building industry superannuation fund. The CFMEU’s Crumlin pick is just one of a thicket of ties between the unions, Labor and industry superannuation funds that have come to be among the largest and most powerful players in the Australian economy. These funds, which count about 11 million members, are run to profit their members while retail super funds are typically operated by for-profit businesses such as fund managers or banks. And, under the industry model in which unions and employer groups nominate roughly equal numbers of directors to funds, ties between the sector and the labour movement are backed in. But as the $3.9 trillion sector’s coffers have swelled, with big industry funds such as AustralianSuper ($341 billion under management), Cbus ($94 billion) and CareSuper ($53 billion) counting memberships up to 3.4 million people, the level of oversight that model delivers has come under greater scrutiny. The Australian Securities and Investments Commission launched Federal Court proceedings last week against Cbus after it failed to identify and prevent delays in processing death and disability insurance claims that affected 10,000 members, dating back to August 2022 – a failure that Cbus has conceded cost its members about $20 million. CFMEU manufacturing division boss Michael O’Connor is facing separate allegations he misused his position at a small fund, First Super, to bankroll the salary of a union delegate with fund money while his organisation was experiencing financial difficulties. And AustralianSuper, the industry’s largest, could be fined $27 million over its failure to consolidate more than 90,000 members’ accounts, costing them almost $70 million, in another case brought by the corporate regulator. While the funds are variously declining to comment, blaming external contractors, or apologising and saying they have already addressed the issues, superannuation critics smell blood. Liberal senator Andrew Bragg, the opposition assistant spokesman for home ownership, says the sector’s board model, in which union and industry representatives oversee funds rather than typical corporate directors, is no longer fit for purpose. “There is an unmanageable conflict of interest between the interests of unions and workers,” Bragg says. “And there is the cavalcade of Labor politicians, how do they get these positions?” Cbus, for example, is chaired by former Labor treasurer and current party president Wayne Swan. Don Russell, a former senior adviser to Labor prime minister Paul Keating, chairs AustralianSuper. HESTA, an $88 billion fund for the health and community sector, is chaired by Nicola Roxon, a Rudd-Gillard era minister. Bragg says the sector has created a perception that it operates in line with modern governance standards. “It has taken the CFMEU issue to expose that,” he says. Bragg is referring to the litany of allegations of underworld infiltration and corruption revealed in this masthead’s Building Bad series that led the federal government to appoint a barrister to take over the CFMEU. That barrister, Mark Irving, KC, said in August he wanted a “clean sweep” of serving CFMEU representatives from the Cbus board but reappointed one who resigned, Jason O’Mara, alongside Crumlin and a union lawyer, Lucy Weber. There are no allegations against any of those individuals. Super Consumers Australia chief executive Xavier O’Halloran, whose group represents people with superannuation accounts, says the “partisan debate” over Cbus should not be the main focus. “The skills and competence of these boards are really important, and that should be the primary focus,” O’Halloran says. “What we have seen in the UK, the regulator has a role in determining a fit and proper person, to determine who should be on the board. “That’s not something the regulator [APRA] here does. They [unions and industry groups] make their own picks, and we think that could be improved, that there should be greater rigour.” But while O’Halloran would like to see improvements to board regulation, and perhaps the introduction of more independent directors, he also confirms the industry superannuation sector is largely beating its retail competitors. And there is evidence they are delivering on the goals Paul Keating had in mind when he set up the superannuation system: ensuring comfortable retirements and reducing the burden, over time, of the aged pension on federal government coffers. The federal 2023 Intergenerational Report shows government spending on Aged and Service pensions will fall from 2.3 per cent of GDP to 2 per cent by 2063, because of superannuation, even as the population ages. Misha Schubert, chief executive of the lobby group for industry super funds, argues their performance shows the board model is working. “The shared governance model of this type of fund – whether they arose from an industry, company or the public sector – was created with a clear and single purpose,” she wrote earlier this year. “To serve the fund members whose retirement savings they safeguard and grow. “They do so by deeply understanding their members and the workplaces in which their members work – they know exactly whose money it is they are stewarding.” The law governing superannuation funds, Schubert notes, requires directors to comply with high standards of performance and act in members’ best interests. Alongside the labour representatives, big superannuation boards are balanced with employer heavyweights. Cbus’ board employer directors, for example, are all nominated by Master Builders Australia and include that organisation’s chief executive, Denita Wawn. It’s a similar story with AustralianSuper, whose employer directors include AiG chief executive (and former Liberal staffer) Innes Willox, as well as a number of other directors aligned with the employer group that originally represented manufacturing firms. A Cbus spokesman said in a statement that having equal employer and employee representation on its board had ensured its success for 40 years, and it was pleased to welcome the three new directors. “After applying a comprehensive ‘fit and proper persons test’ the Cbus board confirmed the appointment of the three directors who share a determination to generate the strongest, sustainable financial returns for members and deliver the best possible service,” the spokesman said. The fund previously apologised to its members over the claim delays, said it was implementing a compensation process and co-operated with ASIC. Swan, the Cbus chairman, told the Today show last week that many of the criticisms of the fund were “completely inaccurate” and blamed a contracted service provider for the insurance delays but apologised to affected members’ families. “I can assure you, from the minute I became aware of this as chair of the board, I worked with the board to resolve it as quickly as possible,” he said. AustralianSuper has apologised for the multiple accounts issue. “We found this mistake, we reported it, we apologised to impacted members, we paid them back, and we’ve improved our processes to prevent it happening again,” a spokesman said. Michael O’Connor, the CFMEU manufacturing division boss, has voluntarily stood aside while the court case over the alleged misuse of his position is under way and had not responded to comment requests. Unlike some of the union heavyweights, many of the Labor figures on superannuation boards have external pedigree. Russell, of AustralianSuper, for example, is a former ambassador to the United States who has worked at global finance firms including BNY Mellon Asset Management and Sanford C. Bernstein. Hostplus chair Roxon is also an independent director at the property company Dexus. And increasingly, the funds also have independent directors with financial or governance expertise. The 2.4 million-member Australian Retirement Trust, for example, has on its board former top regulator Helen Rowell, and Martin Parkinson, who headed the public service under conservative governments. But that has not satisfied the sector’s critics. Bragg, the Liberal senator, is expected to haul Cbus chairman Swan before the Senate’s economics committee for questions next week. Given the pair’s background, it is unlikely to be a genteel affair. Cut through the noise of federal politics with news, views and expert analysis. Subscribers can sign up to our weekly Inside Politics newsletter .From left: Oranga Tamariki's chief social worker Nicolette Dickson, chief executive Andrew Bridgeman and deputy chief executive youth justice Tusha Penny at today's select committee meeting. Photo: RNZ It was reported one of the young men taking part absconded from the boot camp yesterday after attending the funeral of another teen who died in a car crash. Teen absconded boot camp Oranga Tamariki deputy chief executive of youth justice services and residential care Tusha Penny told a select committee this morning two participants are now actually on the run. The first teen escaped from the tangi and the other left a day later, she said. Penny acknowledged the death of one of the boot camp's participants and their whānau. Oranga Tamariki and Waikato police both confirmed the 15-year-old, who was granted bail on compassionate grounds to attend the funeral by the Youth Court, had absconded. Police are looking for him. The New Zealand Herald reported it understood the young man who died was in a crash on State Highway 1 near Tīrau on Wednesday last week. The crash between three vehicles, including a tourist bus, injured 14 others. The boot camp pilot participants were released from a youth justice facility in Palmerston North in October and have been in the community phase of the boot camp programme.

Federación francesa de fútbol no intervendrá en disputa entre Mbappé y PSG

CHAMPAIGN, Ill. (AP) — Will Riley scored his 19 points in the second half and No. 25 Illinois beat Maryland Eastern Shore 87-40 on Saturday. Kylan Boswell added 13 points, Tomislav Ivisic had 11 and Morez Johnson Jr. finished with 10 points and 13 rebounds for the Illini (4-1), who shot 25% (10 for 40) from 3-point range but committed just nine turnovers. Tre White grabbed 11 rebounds and Kasparas Jakucionis seven for Illinois, which outrebounded the Hawks 59-38. Jalen Ware scored 10 points and Christopher Flippin had 10 rebounds for Maryland Eastern Shore (2-6), which had its lowest point total of the season. The team's previous low came in 102-63 loss to Vanderbilt on Nov. 4. Illinois is unbeaten in four home games. Maryland Eastern Shore is winless in six road games. Illinois: Coming off a 100-87 loss Wednesday to No. 8 Alabama, the Illini had no trouble dominating the overmatched Hawks. They led 35-15 at halftime and extended the lead to as many as 52 points in the second half. Maryland Eastern Shore: The Hawks couldn’t match Illinois’ height and depth and were slowed by 15 turnovers. After struggling at the start of the game, the Illini went on a 17-0 run over a seven-minute stretch to move in front 25-8 with 5:15 to go in the first half. Maryland Eastern Shore struggled from the field, shooting 22% (15 for 68), including 5 for 20 on 3-pointers. Illinois hosts Little Rock on Monday. Maryland Eastern Shore plays at No. 20 Arkansas on Monday. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college basketball: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-basketball-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-basketball