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The presale of Lightchain AI is generating significant buzz as it positions itself as a standout token for the next bull run. By integrating blockchain technology with artificial intelligence, Lightchain AI aims to tackle key challenges in scalability, transparency, and decentralization. Its innovative features, notably the Proof of Intelligence (PoI) consensus mechanism and the Artificial Intelligence Virtual Machine (AIVM), differentiate it from conventional blockchain projects. The platform’s structured roadmap and increasing community interest suggest an influential role ahead. Lightchain AI’s vision centers around merging AI and blockchain to address major issues such as size, security, and decentralized governance. The PoI consensus rewards significant AI computations on its network, while the AIVM is crafted to efficiently execute AI tasks. The project emphasizes transparent operations and privacy-preserving technologies, aspiring to become a leader in decentralized AI solutions. As its presale gains traction, Lightchain AI is drawing both developers and investors, promising expansion, cross-chain functionality, and global outreach. The project’s potential to make waves in the upcoming bull run is underscored by its strategic tokenomics and plans for future growth. Lightchain AI’s tokenomics ensure fair distribution, with a total of 10 billion LCAI tokens allocated across presale, staking rewards, liquidity facilitation, and other strategic areas to encourage sustainable growth. The outlined roadmap includes key stages like prototype development, community-engaged testnet rollout, mainnet deployment, and further ecosystem expansion, setting the foundation for widespread adoption. Security is paramount for Lightchain AI, employing cutting-edge techniques such as Zero-Knowledge Proofs and homomorphic encryption to safeguard data privacy and uphold integrity. These features, along with a secure execution environment for AI tasks on the AIVM, align with global privacy norms, creating a robust framework for decentralized AI applications. Currently offered at a presale price of $0.003 per token, Lightchain AI presents an appealing opportunity for investors before its full market debut. The initial pricing is considered advantageous given the project’s pioneering AI-blockchain approach and its commitment to deflationary tokenomics, including periodic token burns aimed at enhancing scarcity and value. Early supporters stand to gain from lower prices and additional benefits such as governance rights and premier access to ecosystem features, making Lightchain AI an attractive prospect for those seeking to invest in transformative technology.
The story so far: When U.S. President-elect Donald Trump is administered the oath of office on January 20, 2025, and officially kicks off his second term at the White House, it will be the onset of four years that herald the deepening of domestic and foreign policy priorities enacted in his first term as President. On the cards are a reimposition of punitive tariffs against nations exporting to the U.S., and India is likely to feature on that list; a tough stance on immigration; and changes in foreign policy, with America likely to see the continuing withdrawal from global, multilateral and regional engagement like in his first term. What tariffs policies and tax cuts are likely to be tabled by the Trump administration? The first Trump administration started a trade war with China when it hit Beijing in 2018 with a punitive net tariff coverage of nearly 15% of all U.S. imports. In that case, his administration had already imposed several tariffs prior to 2018 as well, with the result that there were overlapping tariffs on a number of products; for example, the 25% tariff that was imposed that year was over and above an antidumping tariff of approximately 66% that was already in place. Despite this somewhat chaotic approach to tariff imposition, one fact was clear — China was the main target on the global stage: at 11.1% import coverage by U.S. special tariffs in 2018, the rate slapped on Beijing dwarfed the rate for other exporters to the U.S., including India, at 0.2%. In terms of products, the U.S. special tariffs preponderantly targeted imports of intermediate goods, and to a much lesser extent capital goods and final products. This is likely to have impacted the final price of finished goods based on intermediate goods sourced within the U.S. During his 2024 campaign, Mr. Trump had affirmed that he would impose an across-the-board tariff of somewhere between 10%-20% on the entire $3 trillion worth of U.S. goods imports and a China-specific additional tariff of 60%. Assuming that the focus on intermediate goods continues in this context, this would imply a significant jump from his first term in terms of the value of goods impacted, most likely additional tens of billions of dollars’ worth on commodities such as steel and aluminium and at least $300 billion worth of Chinese goods. Retaliation from China, the E.U., India, and other trading partners of the U.S. is sure to follow swiftly. Regarding the high likelihood of a corporate tax cut, it could come in the form of renewing the lapsing cuts that Mr. Trump had introduced in 2017, through the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. This despite — or perhaps precisely because of — the fact that the policy did reduce taxes for most people, though it disproportionately benefitted the wealthy, according to the non-partisan Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Their analysis at the time noted this policy resulted in households with incomes in the top 1% receiving an average tax cut of more than $60,000 if the cuts were maintained, compared to an average tax cut of less than $500 for households in the bottom 60%. Additionally, the Trump tax cut “was expensive and eroded the U.S. revenue base... and failed to deliver promised economic benefits,” the CBPP noted. Other economic policy actions that the Trump White House might advocate for include a carbon-border adjustment tax and quantitative restrictions on investments into U.S. assets such as infrastructure and essential medicine production capabilities, by China. His administration would also likely seek the inputs of the Department of Government Efficiency — led by the “tech bros” Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy — to reduce wastage and inefficiencies within the purview of the federal government, including by rationalising the actions of bureaucrats and cutting down on regulations across sectors. While the duo have hinted at potentially finding $2 trillion in savings through this initiative, including via mass layoffs and the shutting down of some agencies entirely, critics have challenged the size of the potential gains that could be made here. What action is expected on immigration? Going by the Trump campaign’s policy promises in the lead-up to the 2024 election, there is a distinct possibility of a large-scale deportation of undocumented workers. However, there may be several obstacles that the White House might encounter as it carries out this possibly unprecedented action. Firstly, across several states, key urban hubs have vowed to be “sanctuary cities” and pass laws to limit local law enforcement cooperation with the federal government’s Immigration and Customs Enforcement. This is likely to make it politically complicated to carry out detention and deportation actions on a sizeable scale and in a short time frame. Secondly, the Trump campaign is yet to share details on the cost of such operations to the exchequer, but non-partisan analysts such as the American Immigration Council estimate that such an immigration proposal could potentially cost taxpayers considerably more than $300 billion. These estimates notwithstanding, there is little doubt that Mr. Trump will attempt to accelerate deportations to fulfil his campaign promises, especially as the first Trump administration deported close to 1.5 million people – almost the same number as outgoing President Joe Biden and far less than former President Barack Obama, who turned away nearly 3 million people over eight years in office. What impact could be expected regarding U.S. foreign policy? Mr. Trump has proclaimed publicly without explanation or details that he can and will end the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Hamas conflict. On the former, he has said he would end the war even prior to Inauguration Day, even if he views the conflict through the lens of halting the “endless flow of American treasure to Ukraine” and demanding that NATO allies in Europe reimburse Washington for its war-related expenses if they expect military support from the U.S. against future Russian aggression. Regarding Israel, the incoming President has followed in Mr. Biden’s footsteps and criticised the Israeli government’s aggression in Gaza, although Mr. Trump had tacitly expressed support for Israel by moving the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in his first term. What bolsters Mr. Trump’s intentions? While the Trump 2.0 administration is yet to spell out critical details regarding its policy plans on the domestic and international fronts, one thing is certain: Mr. Trump enjoys an overwhelming mandate expressed through the result of the 2024 election. Further, he will be fundamentally operating from a position of institutional strength given the federal government trifecta, which implies that the White House will enjoy the luxury of greater cooperation in getting policies sanctioned by Congress, and possibly important cases ruled in his administration’s favour by a sympathetic U.S. Supreme Court. Published - December 29, 2024 02:17 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit India-United States / USA / The Hindu Explains
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DWP planning for six PIP changes in 2025 with new shake-upBilawal introduces new element in the national debate PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has introduced a new element in the national debate by claiming that the USA was backing the release of jailed PTI founder Imran Khan so as to bring to office someone who would help reverse Pakistan’s nuclear technology. It does provide an anti-PTI explanation of why the USA might wish to get Mr Khan, though it raises a number of other questions. Mr Bhutto Zardari referred, while speaking at the commemoration of the 17th death anniversary of his mother Benazir Bhutto at Garhi Khuda Bakhsh, to the role of both his grandfather Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and mother Benazir in building Pakistan’s nuclear weapon. He made no mention of the actual test of the weapon, in 1998, when the present PM’s elder brother was PM. The supposed enmity of Mr Khan towards the country’s interests, including the nuclear and missile programmes, is assumed by his opponents, but there has been no real response, until now, of why elements in the USA, including incoming members of the Trump Administration, were speaking up about how Mr Khan should be released. It appears that it was not enough for the PTI to be accused of spending vast sums on lobbyists, but that it was necessary to provide a reason for Mr Khan’s release. Mr Bhutto Zardari has obliged, with a reason in addition to the one about Mr Khan being complicit in the Indian abolition through a combination of Mr Trump and Indian PM Narendra Modi. Mr Bhutto Zardari and other Pakistani politicians, including Mr Khan himself, must be wary of flinging around this charge so casually that its currency becomes debased, much as it is no longer believed if any politician is accused by an opponent of treason. While what Mr Bhutto Zardari said requires a great deal of evidence to be believed, the tale he tells hangs together, and Mr Khan’s supporters cannot dismiss it as beyond belief. It also provides a motive for his driving the economy into the ground, because that would provide the reason for abandoning the nuclear and weapons programme. Mr Bhutto Zardari also has an uphill task, and must produce the evidence for his charge, which is a serious one. If he does not, he will be guilty of the kind of casual flinging out of accusations without basis that he and so many others accuse the PTI of doing. Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. Δ document.getElementById( "ak_js_1" ).setAttribute( "value", ( new Date() ).getTime() );
As December rolls in, the year-end brings opportunities for investors to refine their portfolios and position themselves for growth in the coming year. For Canadian investors, offer an attractive avenue for capital appreciation. However, of course, not all growth stocks are created equal, and some are better than others. The good news is that there are unique Canadian growth stocks I think are poised for big gains in 2025 and beyond that are at least worth a look at current levels. Here are three of the top Canadian high-growth names I’ve got on my watch list as potential buys for those looking to rebalance their portfolios heading into the new year. Shopify I’ve long been bullish on Canadian e-commerce giant ( ), and for good reason. The company’s focus on providing a platform for businesses, from start-ups to enterprises, to develop an online presence with their retail stores has enabled millions of companies to establish their own unique online revenue streams outside of the world of existing third-party distributors who often offer such services for businesses at a relatively high cost. The Ontario-based company has grown incredibly over the years, with the stock chart above highlighting just how powerful Shopify’s business model has been for long-term investors. This fantastic growth has been driven by durable secular trends within the e-commerce space. In short, I expect these trends to continue for a long time, providing durability to Shopify’s growth profile over time. The company has continued innovation through new tool integrations, including artificial intelligence-driven analytics, while expanding its ecosystem, offering Shopify Payments, Shopify Capital, and fulfillment services to boot. These concrete offerings enhance the platform’s value proposition to attract new customers and deepen the relationship with the already-established ones. Celestica ( ) is a leading global electronics manufacturing and supply chain solutions provider. The company has carved out a significant niche in fast-growing sectors, including renewable energy, aerospace, and healthcare. With a diversity of portfolios spanning industries with strong growth prospects, Celestica has staked out a position in many growing fields. The company focuses on emerging technologies such as electric vehicles and renewable energy infrastructure to ensure solid growth. Moreover, efficiency and operational excellence initiatives have paid off through improved margins and profitability. Celestica’s ability to help companies manage complex supply chains and deliver innovative solutions makes it stand out among its competitors. The company continues to deliver solid numbers every quarter, indicating its resilience in adaptation to market cycles. As Celestica continues to generate healthy cash flows and maintain its strong balance sheet, investors can bet that continued spending on growth investments will drive further fundamental improvements (and higher stock prices) over time. Kinaxis ( ) is well-known as a top Canadian stock in the tech sector. The company specializes in supply chain management software, an increasingly vital solution in today’s increasingly interconnected global economy. Kinaxis’s flagship product, RapidResponse, leverages advanced analytics and artificial intelligence to provide real-time supply chain visibility and planning. This product has gained notable prominence as companies worldwide grapple with supply chain disruptions. In addition, its client base includes major players across industries such as automotive, consumer goods, and healthcare, underscoring the broad appeal of its services. Kinaxis has demonstrated strong financial performance in recent quarters, with consistent revenue growth driven by new client acquisitions and expanded service offerings. The company’s subscription-based business model ensures recurring revenue, providing financial stability and predictability. Additionally, its focus on innovation and cloud-based solutions positions the company well to capitalize on emerging trends in digital transformation. For December, Kinaxis remains one of the most compelling opportunities for growth-oriented investors, at least in my view. The company’s strategic positioning in the high-demand supply chain tech space, combined with strong fundamentals and a history of innovation, makes it a standout choice in the Canadian stock market.has finally hit theaters and it's leaving some fans up in arms about its shaky plotline. Helmed by "Gladiator" director Ridley Scott, the movie stars Denzel Washington, Connie Nielsen, Paul Mescal and Pedro Pascal and is a follow up to the first "Gladiator" film that came out in 2000. The sequel follows Mescal's character, Lucius, who becomes a gladiator after he is taken prisoner and forced to work into the Colosseum. While winning battles for Macrinus (Washington), a well-connected Roman businessman, Lucius learns his family's history and is inspired to help Rome return to its former glory. The film was released on Friday, Nov. 22, and has a total run time of 2 hours and 28 minutes. According to , "Gladiator II" has a projected domestic opening weekend of $60 million and in the international box office arena, making it the biggest international R-rated opening weekend for Paramount Pictures. While the box office stats appear to be doing well for the sequel to the Oscar-winning film, on social media fans had mixed reactions. Some applauded the film, calling it and Others were a bit more dramatic with , “Just watched gladiator 2 and suddenly life is worth living again.” Another shared they were in tears over the film. While some felt the new film was a great follow up to the first, others on X felt differently. Some noted that "Gladiator II" just couldn't . "If you love Gladiator 1, Don’t watch Gladiator 2," . added their analysis: "While Gladiator 2 is not bad at all, it suffers from a comparison to that masterpiece that Scott directed in 2000. The first Gladiator was pure Cinema from start to finish, where the fantastic performances and visuals were complimented by an heartfelt story and a glorious score." shared their thoughts, calling "Gladiator" a "MASTERPIECE," but "Gladiator II" a "sword-and-sandals action flick you’ll forget about next week." A few questioned the film's plot with with a "forced script that didn’t add to the story in any meaningful way." Another added that they of the film. that the film's plot had nothing to with Lucius storyline, sharing a meme that read, "Me; “I’m watching Gladiator 2 for the plot,” before adding a shirtless photo of Paul Mescal next to a photo of Pedro Pascal with the headline, "The plot;" Though the social media reactions to "Gladiator II" varied online, there seemed to be an overwhelming consensus about one thing: Denzel Washington made it worth the watch. "GLADIATOR II is okay. Mescal is fine, as is everyone else," before adding, "The real star, as you’ve probably heard, is Denzel Washington, delivering one of his most magnetic performances. His contagious, electrifying presence goes a long way in elevating a painfully by-the-numbers movie." Another person predicted that Washington would get an Oscar nod for his performance. "Not going to lie I can’t stop thinking of Denzel’s performance in Gladiator 2. He has an Oscar with his name written on it," the person wrote in part. Others had similar , with one even joking that the Oscar winner . Joyann Jeffrey is a trending news reporter based in New York CityWhy in the world should the public provide giant subsidies to the giant corporations that are rushing us to climate catastrophe? Showered with tens of millions of dollars in oil and gas campaign contributions, President-elect Donald Trump is poised to pay back the favor thousands of times over — at public expense. Trump and his pro-fossil fuel corporate cronies aim to put their collective thumb on the scale for Big Oil, bolstering their already robust subsidies – billions of dollars that perpetuate a system of environmental degradation and economic injustice. Trump’s Cabinet picks are fully committed to Big Oil giveaways. Trump’s pick for energy secretary, Chris Wright, is a climate change-denying oil executive who once said, “There is no climate crisis, and we’re not in the midst of an energy transition, either.” Doug Burgum, Trump’s pick for the Interior Department, which leases onshore land and offshore water for oil and gas production, is a close ally of oil billionaire Harold Hamm, whose family leases 200 acres of Burgum’s land in North Dakota for oil drilling. Burgum has spent years promoting a “carbon capture” scheme allowing his state’s fossil fuel industry to keep drilling. Each year, taxpayers hand over $17 billion to fossil fuel companies. These subsidies take many forms, from tax breaks for drilling operations to federal support for export infrastructure. Far from promoting energy security or affordability, these giveaways incentivize oil and gas companies to prioritize exports to overseas markets, including China, over domestic needs. That’s a bad strategy for consumers and businesses. And Big Oil isn’t satisfied. Oil and gas corporations hope to extract even more tax subsidies in the coming tax fight in Congress. During Trump’s first term in office, he aggressively rolled back environmental and energy regulations, repealing or weakening more than 100 environmental rules, including the Clean Power Plan, which aimed to reduce carbon emissions from power plants, and loosened restrictions on methane emissions from oil and gas operations, undermining the market for renewables. The Biden administration has worked hard to undo the damage by promoting lower-cost renewable energy. Now, those achievements are at risk. Far from promoting energy security or affordability, fossil fuel giveaways incentivize oil and gas companies to prioritize overseas markets over domestic needs. As a result, American families face higher energy bills, with natural gas prices rising 52% between 2016 and 2023, while fossil fuel executives rake in record profits. The environmental cost is equally staggering. Subsidizing fossil fuels accelerates global warming and undermines our ability to meet climate goals. Increased drilling and exports mean more pipelines, more methane leaks, and more emissions — locking in decades of climate harm at a time when the world cannot afford further delay in transitioning to clean energy. Taxpayers are subsidizing fossil fuels at a moment when the cheapest forms of energy are renewable. The cost of solar energy systems has plummeted by 88% between 2010 and 2021, making solar one of the most affordable energy sources in almost every geographic market in the United States. In the same period, onshore wind energy costs dropped by 68%. The choice is clear: We can continue subsidizing a system that enriches fossil fuel executives at the expense of the planet and the public, or we can invest in a clean energy future that benefits everyone. Policymakers need to redirect our taxpayer money to accelerate the deployment of renewables, invest in energy storage and grid modernization, and support workers and communities transitioning away from fossil fuels. For the sake of our economy, our environment, and future generations, it’s time to leave fossil fuel subsidies in the past. Robert Weissman is the president of Public Citizen. He wrote this for InsideSources.com. ©2024 Tribune Content Agency, LLC
Penn State is heading into the new calendar year in impressive fashion, but one final challenge awaits as the Nittany Lions square off against Penn on Sunday afternoon in University Park, Pa. The Nittany Lions (10-2) have enjoyed a strong season to this point, highlighted by a win over then-No. 8 Purdue earlier this month. Most recently, the team topped Drexel 75-64 last weekend as Yanic Konan Niederhauser scored 18 points and Ace Baldwin Jr. chipped in 15 points and six assists. Penn State outrebounded Drexel 40-31 and grabbed 19 offensive boards, including six by Puff Johnson and three by Konan Niederhauser. "Offensive rebounds are extra possessions," Nittany Lions coach Mike Rhoades said. "That gets us to where we want to go to. Number of possessions, it's a better chance to win all the time." Konan Niederhauser has shot at least 50 percent from the floor in every game except one this season and enters Sunday's clash averaging 13.0 points, which is second-best on the squad. Baldwin comes in with 14.2 points to go along with 8.5 assists, which ranks among the top marks in the nation. That duo, in addition to Penn State's bevy of 3-point shooters, should give Penn plenty to handle defensively. The Quakers (4-8) have allowed at least 80 points five times this season, including in Sunday's 85-53 trouncing at the hands of George Mason. Offense was another major issue in that game, as Penn shot just 32.2 percent from the floor and committed 15 turnovers. "We played 3 1/2 games of really good defense over the last three weeks and the defense was poor in the second half (against George Mason)," Penn coach Steve Donahue said. "On the defensive end, making sure late in the clock we don't let our guard down, keep guys in front, and limit them to one shot ... when we do those things -- those simple things -- we're a good basketball team." Penn and Penn State have met six times previously, but not since 2017. The Nittany Lions lead the all-time series 4-2. --Field Level Media
