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Biden signs defense bill despite objections to ban on transgender health care for military children
Palantir Technologies ( PLTR -3.72% ) was one of the best-performing stocks of 2024. A strong start to the year for the artificial intelligence (AI)-powered enterprise software company went into overdrive in September. A strong earnings report and its addition to the S&P 500 that month stoked a ton of buying for the stock. The market has continued to push the stock higher, bringing the company's market cap above $187 billion, as of this writing. Palantir's financial results have been spectacular. But many analysts think the stock has gotten ahead of itself. Just three out of 22 Wall Street analysts covering the stock give it an overweight or buy rating. Moreover, none of them have a 12-month price target higher than its current stock price. Indeed, Palantir's stock valuation makes it tough to buy now . But investors looking to add some AI stocks to their portfolio have plenty of other options. And two other companies look far more attractive than the richly valued Palantir. In fact, I predict both will be worth more than Palantir by the end of 2025, as a result of strong relative price performance to 2024's big winner. There are two big shifts going on that increase the demand for Palo Alto Networks ' ( PANW -1.23% ) cybersecurity services. More and more enterprises are shifting from on-premise storage and compute for their data and software needs to cloud computing . As they migrate to the cloud or adopt a hybrid approach, they increase the number of potential attack points for cyber criminals. Additionally, most workplaces have adopted a hybrid approach to working in the office versus working from home. Again, this opens more potential security vulnerabilities. Palo Alto offers security solutions across clients' networks (firewalls) in both hardware and software formats. It also offers solutions for the cloud and endpoint security, ensuring only authorized devices gain access to sensitive network data. Many cybersecurity providers rely on machine learning artificial intelligence to help detect cybersecurity threats early and close vulnerabilities. One of the biggest challenges for building an effective system based on machine learning is accessing valuable data. As a leader in the space, Palo Alto has a considerable data advantage over the competition. As such, its AI efforts pay off handsomely, as they work better than competitors. What's more, Palo Alto's capabilities make it more attractive to new customers, creating a virtuous cycle, whereby it gains access to more valuable data than its competitors. On top of that, it's important to consider the switching costs for existing customers. Few security analysts are going to risk their job to save a few bucks for their company on a competing product. Just the opposite, they're more likely to go back to Palo Alto Networks when their needs expand. Palo Alto has been expanding its offerings through bolt-on acquisitions over time, and it's seen considerable success cross-selling customers on new products. As the company shifts to more software-based solutions and increases its cross-selling to customers, its gross margin should continue to move higher over time. As such, investors should see profits climb considerably faster than revenue for the foreseeable future. Palo Alto's shares currently trade for an enterprise-value -to-revenue ratio of 14.6. That's a fair price to pay. And if it can maintain that multiple through fiscal 2025, the stock should climb around 14% based on analysts' estimates. With a market capitalization of $124 billion, as of this writing, that would put its value at about $142 billion at the end of 2025. That would require Palantir stock to drop about 24% from today's price to fall below Palo Alto's potential market cap. 2. Micron Technology When it comes to semiconductors , just a few companies get most of the attention. Most people know the big GPU makers like Nvidia . But one company making critical components of AI chips like Nvidia's is Micron Technology ( MU -1.32% ) . Micron supplies memory chips, including standard DRAM and NAND chips found in PCs and smartphones. It also makes chips called high-bandwidth memory (HBM), which manufacturers like Nvidia incorporate into their high-end GPUs. As a result, Micron has been a big beneficiary of the growing spending and development in artificial intelligence. Micron's data center revenue grew more than 400% year over year in its first quarter, which ended in November. The segment, led by its HBM chips, now accounts for more than 50% of Micron's total sales. Management is extremely optimistic about the potential for AI to transform its business. It sees the HBM market growing from $16 billion in 2024 to $100 billion by 2030. Considering just three companies, including Micron, make HBM chips, Micron is sure to see its fair share of that growth. The strength of the data center business can offset short-term weakness in the consumer segment. Management lowered its forecast for the second quarter due to customer inventory reductions from PC and smartphone suppliers. The consumer segment slowdown points to the biggest risk of investing in Micron: cyclicality . Micron manufactures its own chips in-house. That requires significant capital expenditures up front, but results in relatively stable growth in cost of goods as it expands production capacity. Micron's chips are practically interchangeable with its competitors', which makes its pricing commodity-like. In other words, when there's strong demand for Micron's chips, it sees more orders and better pricing while its cost of production remains relatively flat. When demand falls, it receives less revenue, but it's still paying the same amount, potentially resulting in negative returns on invested capital . It seems likely Micron will continue to see very high demand for its HBM chips in 2025, as several big tech companies have laid out plans to substantially grow their data center spending. That should more than offset weakness in the consumer segment, and analysts expect 39.6% revenue growth for the year. At an enterprise-value-to-revenue ratio of 3.7 as of this writing, shares look undervalued, despite the cyclicality risk. If shares expand their multiple to 4 over the next year, and analysts' estimates pan out, Micron would see its stock climb about 50% next year. That would put its market cap around $150 billion. A 20% drop in Palantir shares over the next year would put it below that number. Regardless of whether Micron or Palo Alto Networks end up being worth more than Palantir by the end of 2025, both look far more attractive than the highflier at today's prices.An anti-Israel student club at Columbia University freely distributed a new hateful newspaper on campus Friday — peddling antagonistic rhetoric calling Jews “colonists” and “subjugators.” While the Ivy League institution denounced the publication, the hate-fueled group Students for Justice in Palestine openly handed out its inaugural edition of “The Columbia Intifada.” The group printed 1,000 copies of the rag, which contains about a half-dozen articles with titles including “Zionist Peace Means Palestinian Blood,” “The Myth of the Two-State Solution” and a handy “Guide to Wheatpasting” — a method of vandalizing public surfaces with propaganda fliers or other messaging. Allowing such a publication to take root on campus is “outrageous,” said New York Congressman Mike Lawler, who represents voters in Rockland, Westchester, Putnam and Dutchess counties. “If Columbia cannot protect Jewish students on their campus, they should lose federal funding and have their tax-exempt status revoked,” the rep wrote in a post on X . “And for those students here on a visa engaged in an “intifada” against American students of the Jewish faith? Deport them,” he raged. Columbia itself denounced the newspaper’s publication, including its unauthorized association with the school by name. The university suspended the group last November for repeatedly violating school policies, including with its “threatening rhetoric and intimidation.” “Using the Columbia name for a publication that glorifies violence and makes individuals in our community feel targeted in any way is a breach of our values,” a school representative said in a statement to The Post on Friday. “As we have said repeatedly, discrimination and promoting violence or terror is not acceptable and antithetical to what our community stands for. We are investigating this incident through our applicable offices and policies.” The hateful group’s four-page spread includes no bylines or any information connecting the articles to their respective authors, nor is there any solicitation for outside perspectives or reactions from readers. The only words on the front-page masthead is a quote from a poem by woke extremist scholar Sophia Armen, which reads, “You, genocider — who remembers you?” The publication and distribution of the anti-Israel newsletter rattled some Jewish students. “When I see stuff like that, the title, ‘Myth of the Two-State Solution,’ these people don’t want peace,” said Brooke Chasalow, 20, a pre-med junior who spent the previous two years in Israel through the dual-degree Tel Aviv University-Columbia University program. Chasalow, who described herself to The Post as “moderate” on the Middle East conflict, said the conflict between Israel and Palestine is complicated, and she criticized protesters such as those behind the new incendiary paper for trying to turn it into a “black and white issue.” She added that the university should be monitoring for hateful language, including the headlines printed in the SJP newspaper. “I don’t think we should encourage that stuff,” she said, adding, “Free speech is a wonderful thing, but it’s not ‘any speech.’ “ Still, she said, the paper was an improvement from the chaotic protests on campus last year. “If they’re going to put out newspapers, that’s easier to ignore. They’re not screaming, ‘Globalize the intifada!’ in my face,” she said. But another Columbia student who declined to give her name or age said she is “supportive” of the radical publication. “I encourage the diversity of ideas in a school when we’re being censored,” she said without elaborating further. Some faculty members shared Chasalow’s point of view. Gil Zussman, a professor of electrical engineering at Columbia, lived in Israel during the Mideast’s bloody second Intifada. Two violent uprisings by Palestinians in Israel’s recent history are known as the first Intifada (1987-1993) and the second Intifada (2000-2005), in which terrorists besieged the nation with violence, often including horrific attacks against innocent civilians, with the stated goal of bringing the Jewish state to its knees. The Antidefamation League says slogans referencing Intifada “call for indiscriminate violence against Israel, and potentially against Jews and Jewish institutions worldwide.” Zussman said the fact that copies of the newspaper were being handed out on campus Friday — and being promoted on social media by an anti-Israel staff collective known as the Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine at Columbia, Barnard, and Teachers College — was “very concerning.” “During the second Intifada, over 100 suicide bombings took place in Israel, and numerous buses exploded, resulting in over 1,000 people murdered,” he said. I lived in Israel through that horrible period. The fact that faculty imply that such violence could or should be imported to Columbia is extremely irresponsible.” Columbia University has been one of the epicenters for disruptive and at times violent anti-Israel protests on campus since Israel’s war with Palestinian Hamas terrorists started in October 2023 when the Islamic extremist group launched a horrific coordinated terror attack, killing 1,200 Israelis.
NoneFive Point Holdings, LLC (NYSE:FPH) Short Interest Up 28.3% in December
Moment of silence for former President Jimmy Carter held before the Falcons-Commanders game
Prediction: 2 Artificial Intelligence (AI) Stocks That Will Be Worth More Than Palantir by the End of 2025A gang of Bangladesh student protesters entered the offices of the investor of a television station, accusing it of "propaganda", protesters said yesterday, with at least five journalists subsequently fired. The students had taken part in the August revolution that toppled prime minister Sheikh Hasina, whose tenure was marked as one of the worst periods for media freedom. Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the Anti-Discrimination Students Movement, led around 15 to 20 students on December 17 to the offices of City Group, which invests in Somoy Television. "Somoy Television was spreading propaganda, twisting my comments, and accommodating the views of a fallen political party," Hasnat told AFP. "We are staunch supporters of press freedom, but the press must remain unbiased," Hasnat said, adding that he saw no issue in making demands -- but rejecting reports that the students had handed over a list of those they wanted to be fired. The managing director of the business conglomerate that funds the television station did not respond to repeated requests for comment. The incident has intensified fear among journalists in the wake of the revolution. One journalist, Omar Faroque, who had been a senior editor of the television station, said he was among the five who received a termination letter without reason. "The television authorities requested a few of us to step down for the greater good of the station," Faroque told AFP. "We demanded an explanation for the decision, but the authorities refused to provide any." Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has repeatedly insisted he wants media freedom. CA's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam sought to distance the government, saying that if someone "takes any action, the responsibility lies with them". Press watchdogs say many journalists -- seen by critics as having supported Hasina when she was in power -- face police investigations in apparent retaliation for their past work. At least four journalists were imprisoned, and scores are facing legal cases across the country. Hasina and her government were frequently accused of exerting undue pressure on the handful of independent media outlets, including shutting down newspapers and TV channels and imprisoning journalists. After Hasina's government fell, several TV channels, including Somoy TV, came under attack for their alleged allegiance to her Awami League. In November, protesters besieged the offices of Prothom Alo, the largest Bangla-language newspaper, and threatened to shut it down, as well as The Daily Star. Press freedom in Bangladesh has long been under threat. Bangladesh ranks 165 out of 180 countries in press freedom, according to Reporters Without Borders. A gang of Bangladesh student protesters entered the offices of the investor of a television station, accusing it of "propaganda", protesters said yesterday, with at least five journalists subsequently fired. The students had taken part in the August revolution that toppled prime minister Sheikh Hasina, whose tenure was marked as one of the worst periods for media freedom. Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the Anti-Discrimination Students Movement, led around 15 to 20 students on December 17 to the offices of City Group, which invests in Somoy Television. "Somoy Television was spreading propaganda, twisting my comments, and accommodating the views of a fallen political party," Hasnat told AFP. "We are staunch supporters of press freedom, but the press must remain unbiased," Hasnat said, adding that he saw no issue in making demands -- but rejecting reports that the students had handed over a list of those they wanted to be fired. The managing director of the business conglomerate that funds the television station did not respond to repeated requests for comment. The incident has intensified fear among journalists in the wake of the revolution. One journalist, Omar Faroque, who had been a senior editor of the television station, said he was among the five who received a termination letter without reason. "The television authorities requested a few of us to step down for the greater good of the station," Faroque told AFP. "We demanded an explanation for the decision, but the authorities refused to provide any." Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has repeatedly insisted he wants media freedom. CA's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam sought to distance the government, saying that if someone "takes any action, the responsibility lies with them". Press watchdogs say many journalists -- seen by critics as having supported Hasina when she was in power -- face police investigations in apparent retaliation for their past work. At least four journalists were imprisoned, and scores are facing legal cases across the country. Hasina and her government were frequently accused of exerting undue pressure on the handful of independent media outlets, including shutting down newspapers and TV channels and imprisoning journalists. After Hasina's government fell, several TV channels, including Somoy TV, came under attack for their alleged allegiance to her Awami League. In November, protesters besieged the offices of Prothom Alo, the largest Bangla-language newspaper, and threatened to shut it down, as well as The Daily Star. Press freedom in Bangladesh has long been under threat. Bangladesh ranks 165 out of 180 countries in press freedom, according to Reporters Without Borders.
A major flaw of biopics in general, and music biopics specifically, is the tendency to sand down the rough edges of the person being profiled. For the most part, director and co-screenwriter James Mangold — along with co-screenwriter Jay Cocks — do a commendable job showing how the iconic Bob Dylan is not only talented but rather prickly and arrogant — a creative force with the talent and chutzpah to ennoble change. The warts-and-all approach and strong performances across the board elevate this absorbing, but overly long, look at the early professional and personal life of music legend and revered groundbreaker Bob Dylan. Above all, credit goes to Timothée Chalamet’s impressive achievement in not reducing Dylan to a caricature. Related Articles Another main reason “A Complete Unknown” works is that it hones in on a pivotal four-year span in Dylan’s life. It begins with Dylan’s shuffling arrival in 1961 New York with his beloved guitar and a burning desire to write and sing songs that make a difference. He meets and befriends folk music pioneers Woody Guthrie (Scoot McNairy) — his hero who lies bedridden in a hospital due to Huntington’s Disease — and Pete Seeger (Edward Norton), a devoted colleague and musician who steers away from the wild side of fame and prefers the confines of tradition over music evolution. It concludes with Dylan evolving into a temperamental but visionary performer who takes the stage at the 1965 Newport Folk Festival — to the dismay and outrage of organizers, including Seeger, and fans — and performs amplified versions of several songs. The re-creation of that volatile “going electric” event is the film’s crowning achievement. But other times Mangold and Cocks don’t stick the landing, resorting to shorthand when detailing the tumultuous change that’s brewing in America and leaning too heavily on shopworn storytelling techniques such as having radio and news reports flash through those game-changing events. A more intense connection linking Dylan’s impact on music to the rebellious actions of other iconic artistic and political figures would have given “A Complete Unknown” more heft and a more solid dramatic arc. Still “A Complete Unknown” is entertaining — particularly to music fans worshipping that period – and trots along in the footsteps of a dynamic Dylan as he becomes a force on the Greenwich Village music scene and soon finds his star rising as he puts his stamp on folk music and a variety of other musical genres. Unlike most music biopics, Mangold blessedly devotes much of the time to its subject actually creating music and then performing it. The film’s all the better for it. Some of the best scenes occur between Dylan and longtime Woodside resident Joan Baez (an electrifying Monica Barbaro) as those two musical forces flirt, make love, perform together and squabble bitterly. The concert sequences include a brief re-creation of the first Monterey Folk Festival in 1963, where Dylan and Baez performed. Both actors are on fire when they’re together. The challenge for an actor portraying such a distinctive superstar is to not imitate him. (Too many comedic acts have done that.) Chalamet wobbles in initial scenes, and then finds his footing — surprising us with his astonishing vocals and his ability to adopt an irascible demeanor, all but downplaying his striking good looks to become a man who doesn’t give a damn about physical appearances, except for being the epitome of someone who is anti fashion forward. Diehard Dylan fans will likely find faults with Chalamet’s smart performance, but it deserves respect. The scenes involving Guthrie, Seeger, Baez and Dylan fuel the film. Less successful are the ones that revolve around his romance with Sylvie Russo (Elle Fanning) — a character described as a “surrogate” for the real-life late artist and activist Suze Rotolo – which ran from 1961 to 1964. Her role intends to put a human face on the awful burden fame imposes on those who are sidelined from the ones in the addictive spotlight, but it’s presented in a contrived manner, even though Fanning gives it her all. Ditto the walk-on role of Boyd Holbrook as an inebriated Johnny Cash. It detracts from the overhaul story. “A Complete Unknown” isn’t a complete success, but it does have musical moments that soar and performances to match. It doesn’t shed any new light on who the real Dylan is, and maybe, just maybe, we will never become privy to that. 3 stars out of 4 R (language) Timothée Chalamet, Edward Norton, Elle Fanning, Monica Barbaro James Mangold 2 hours, 21 minutes In theaters Dec. 25S&P/TSX composite up Friday, U.S. stock markets also riseFormer US president Jimmy Carter dies aged 100
Srinagar- The literary community of Jammu and Kashmir has mourned the passing of Hakim Bashir Asim, a noted poet and nouha writer and son of Hakim Muhammad Yousuf. Residing in Hakim Mohalla, Baghwanpora Lalbazar, Asim’s work resonated with themes of devotion and spirituality, earning respect across local and national platforms. Asim’s admirers said that his poetry was a cornerstone of religious gatherings, particularly during Muharram and programs commemorating the 3rd Shaban ul Muazzam at Imam Bargah Abul Fazlil Abbas (a.s.), Lalbazar. “His ability to convey profound spiritual messages through eloquent verses made his work invaluable to Urdu literature and religious poetry,” said Hakim Suhail, a socio political activist. “His sudden demise has left a significant void in the literary and religious circles. Many considered his writings a source of inspiration, blending faith and artistic expression in a manner that touched countless lives,” he added. “The loss of Hakim Bashir Asim Kashmiri will be felt deeply, but his legacy of literary and spiritual contributions remains a lasting testament to his life’s work.” Meanwhile, his congregational fateha will be held at Imam Bargah Abul Fazlil Abbas (a.s), Baghwanpora, lal Bazar today. It will commence with a sermon by Hujjatul Islam wal Muslimeen Masroor AAbbas Ansari.
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Kosovo's ethnic Serb party says its ban from a parliamentary election is 'political violence'Carolina Hurricanes (16-6-1, in the Metropolitan Division) vs. Florida Panthers (14-9-1, in the Atlantic Division) Sunrise, Florida; Saturday, 4 p.m. EST BETMGM SPORTSBOOK LINE: Panthers -123, Hurricanes +103; over/under is 6.5 BOTTOM LINE: The Florida Panthers and the Carolina Hurricanes hit the ice in Eastern Conference action. Florida has gone 7-5-1 at home and 14-9-1 overall. The Panthers have a 3-0-1 record in one-goal games. Carolina has a 7-4-1 record on the road and a 16-6-1 record overall. The Hurricanes are 7-2-0 when they commit fewer penalties than their opponent. Saturday's game is the second meeting between these teams this season. The Panthers won the previous matchup 6-3. TOP PERFORMERS: Sam Bennett has 11 goals and 11 assists for the Panthers. Sam Reinhart has seven goals and four assists over the last 10 games. Jack Roslovic has 12 goals and three assists for the Hurricanes. Seth Jarvis has four goals and six assists over the past 10 games. LAST 10 GAMES: Panthers: 4-6-0, averaging 3.1 goals, 5.6 assists, 4.1 penalties and 10.7 penalty minutes while giving up 2.9 goals per game. Hurricanes: 6-3-1, averaging 3.7 goals, 6.3 assists, 2.7 penalties and 5.6 penalty minutes while giving up 2.8 goals per game. INJURIES: Panthers: None listed. Hurricanes: None listed. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .
ATLANTA (AP) — the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. years old. The died on Sunday, more than a year after entering , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, who , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, and well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. 'Jimmy Who?' His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. 'A wonderful life' At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report. Bill Barrow, The Associated Press
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Authored by Joshua Stylman via substack, Author's Note : For years, I understood advertising was designed to manipulate behavior. As someone who studied the mechanics of marketing, I considered myself an educated consumer who could navigate rational market choices. What I didn't grasp was how this same psychological architecture shaped every aspect of our cultural landscape . This investigation began as curiosity about the music industry's ties to intelligence agencies. It evolved into a comprehensive examination of how power structures systematically mold public consciousness. What I discovered showed me that even my most cynical assumptions about manufactured culture barely scratched the surface. This revelation has fundamentally altered not just my worldview, but my relationships with those who either cannot or choose not to examine these mechanisms of control. This piece aims to make visible what many sense but cannot fully articulate - to help others see these hidden systems of influence. Because recognizing manipulation is the first step toward resisting it. This investigation unfolds in three parts: First, we'll examine the foundational systems of control established in the early 20th century. Next, we'll explore how these methods evolved through popular culture and counterculture movements. Finally, we'll see how these techniques have been automated and perfected through digital systems. In 2012, Facebook conducted a secret experiment on 689,000 users , manipulating their news feeds to study how changes in content affected their emotions. This crude test was just a glimpse of what was coming. By 2024, algorithms would not be used to simply shape what we feel, but what we believe it is even possible to think. Social media platforms are now able to predict and modify behavior in real-time, while streaming services automatically and continuously curate our cultural consumption, and digital payment systems track every single transaction. What began as simple emotional manipulation has become comprehensive consciousness control. This power to mold human perception didn't emerge overnight. The mechanisms of cultural control we see today were built over more than a century, evolving from Edison's physical monopolies to today's invisible digital chains. To understand how we arrived at this point of algorithmic consciousness control - and more importantly, how to resist it - we must first trace the historical foundations of these systems and the deliberate architecture of control that shaped them. The psychological manipulation revealed by the Facebook experiment may seem like a modern phenomenon, but its roots stretch back to the earliest days of mass communication. One of the first architects of cultural control was Thomas Edison, whose establishment of the Motion Picture Patents Company in 1908 laid the groundwork for a century of systematic influence. When Thomas Edison established the Motion Picture Patents Company in 1908, he created more than a monopoly – he demonstrated how five key mechanisms could systematically control information and shape consciousness: infrastructure control (film production equipment), distribution control (theaters), legal framework (patents), financial pressure (blacklisting), and legitimacy definition ("authorized" vs "unauthorized" content). These same mechanisms would evolve and reappear across industries and eras, becoming increasingly sophisticated tools for engineering public consciousness and controlling the boundaries of possible thought and expression. While Edison was establishing control over visual media, a broader system of institutional power was rapidly taking shape. The early 20th century would witness an unprecedented convergence of concentrated control across multiple domains. When antitrust action broke up the Edison Trust in 1915, control simply shifted from Edison's patent monopoly to a small group of studios. While presented as creating competition, this "breakup" actually consolidated power in an oligarchy of studios that could more effectively and subversively coordinate content control and messaging - a pattern that would repeat in future antitrust actions. While the Trust's breakup appeared to create competition, new forms of control quickly emerged. The Motion Picture Production Code ( Hays Code ) established in 1934 demonstrated how moral panic could justify systematic content control. Just as Edison had controlled film distribution, the Hays Code controlled what could be depicted on screen, establishing templates for narrative manipulation that would persist into the digital age. Edison's template for controlling visual media would soon be replicated across other domains. As I detailed in ‘The Information Factory ’, Rockefeller deployed an identical template in medicine: infrastructure control (medical schools), distribution control (hospitals and clinics), legal framework (licensing), financial pressure (strategic funding), and legitimacy definition ("scientific" vs "alternative" medicine). This wasn't just about eliminating competition – it was about controlling what constituted legitimate knowledge itself. This wasn't a coincidence. The early 20th century witnessed unprecedented bureaucratic convergence, as formerly separate domains - medicine, media, education, finance, entertainment, and scientific research - began operating with remarkable coordination. The walls between public institutions, private industry, and government agencies became increasingly permeable. Major foundations played a crucial role in this convergence. The Rockefeller and Ford Foundations , while presenting themselves as philanthropic organizations, effectively shaped academic research priorities and social science methodologies . Through strategic grant-making and institutional support, they helped establish and maintain approved frameworks for understanding society itself . By determining what research got funded and which ideas received institutional backing, these foundations became powerful gatekeepers of acceptable knowledge—extending Rockefeller's medical model into the broader intellectual sphere. This unprecedented administrative alignment represented more than coordination - it established interlocking systems for controlling both physical reality and public consciousness. From Edison's control of visual media to Rockefeller's definition of medical knowledge to the Federal Reserve's monetary control, each piece contributed to a comprehensive architecture of social control. What made this system so subtly pervasive was its masterful packaging - each erosion of autonomy was presented as progress, each restriction as protection, each form of control as convenience. The public not only accepted but eagerly embraced these changes, never recognizing that their choices, beliefs, and very understanding of reality were being carefully engineered through institutions they trusted. The power of this converged system was first demonstrated at scale in profoundly reshaping America's global role. The narrative of American 'isolationism' emerged as one of the most influential shapers of public consciousness. While America had long projected power through banking networks, corporate expansion, and gunboat diplomacy, this reality was gradually reframed and cunningly marketed to an unsuspecting public By establishing a story of American withdrawal from world affairs, advocates for military intervention could position themselves as reluctant modernizers guiding a hesitant nation toward global responsibility. J.P. Morgan's simultaneous acquisition of major newspapers , controlling 25% of American papers by 1917, helped establish this narrative framework. It wasn't just about profit – it was about establishing the machinery of public consciousness management in preparation for coming conflicts desired by the ruling class. By the 1950s, Operation Mockingbird formalized this influence as the CIA systematically infiltrated major media organizations . The program demonstrated how thoroughly intelligence agencies understood the need to shape public perception through seemingly independent channels. Building on methods refined during wartime propaganda efforts, Mockingbird's techniques would influence everything from news coverage to entertainment programming, establishing templates for information manipulation that continue to evolve today. What Operation Mockingbird achieved through human editors and planted stories, today's platforms accomplish automatically through content moderation algorithms and recommendation systems. The same principles of narrative control persist, but the human intermediaries have been replaced by automated systems operating at breathtaking speed on a global scale. This media-intelligence nexus was exemplified by William S. Paley, who transformed CBS from a small radio network into a broadcasting empire. During World War II, Paley served as supervisor of the Office of War Information (OWI) in the Mediterranean theater before becoming chief of radio in the OWI's Psychological Warfare Division. His wartime experience in psychological operations directly informed CBS's postwar programming strategy, where entertainment began to serve as an effective vehicle for social engineering. Under Paley's leadership, CBS became known as the 'Tiffany Network,' masterfully blending entertainment with subtle manipulation techniques refined during his psychological warfare service. This fusion of entertainment and social control would become the template for modern media operations. This machinery of mass influence would adapt to emerging technologies. By the 1950s, the payola scandal revealed how record companies shaped public consciousness through controlled exposure. Presented as a controversy about DJ bribes, payola actually represented an evolved system for shaping popular taste. The companies controlling these cultural channels maintained deep institutional ties - Paley's CBS Records continued its military contractor relationships, while RCA's role in shaping mass culture traced back to its 1919 formation as a Navy-coordinated communications monopoly . Created to maintain domestic control of strategic communications, RCA's expansion into broadcasting, records and consumer electronics preserved these foundational connections to military and intelligence networks. These methods of cultural control didn't develop in isolation - they were part of a broader system of social engineering that expanded dramatically during periods of global conflict. While historians typically treat the World Wars as discrete conflicts, they are better understood as phases in a continuous expansion of social control mechanisms. The infrastructure and methods developed between these conflicts reveals this continuity - the wars provided both the justification and testing grounds for increasingly sophisticated systems of mass psychological manipulation. Military installations like Lookout Mountain Air Force Station in Laurel Canyon weren't just bases – they were centers for psychological warfare operations, perfectly positioned near the heart of the entertainment industry. Lookout Mountain alone produced over 19,000 classified films, while maintaining high-level connections to Hollywood production By 1943, this system was so well established that the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) explicitly outlined its strategy in a now-declassified document . Their assessment was unequivocal: motion pictures represented 'an unparalleled instructional medium' and 'a patent force in attitude formation' that could 'stimulate or inhibit action.' The document further stated that the US must 'exploit the potentialities of the motion picture as a weapon of psychological warfare.' This wasn't just about controlling information—it was about fundamentally altering how people understood and experienced reality itself. While Edison and Rockefeller were establishing physical control systems in America, the entertainment industry was already being integrated into intelligence operations. This pattern stretched back to the industry's earliest days - Harry Houdini is rumored to have collaborated with British intelligence during World War I, using his performances as cover to gather information in German enclaves. From Charlie Chaplin's films being analyzed for propaganda potential to Mary Pickford's war bond drives setting the precedent for celebrity messaging, World War I marked the birth of systematic coordination between Hollywood and intelligence agencies. During World War II, these connections were formalized through the OSS, evolving into today's Entertainment Liaison Office , through which agencies like the Department of Defense actively shape desired military-themed film narratives. While American industries were perfecting control of physical infrastructure and entertainment, British intelligence was developing something even more fundamental - methods to control consciousness itself. Understanding that territorial control was temporary but the power to shape beliefs, desires, and worldviews could be permanent, their innovations would transform social engineering forever. In 1914, they established what began as an innocuous sounding entity called ' Wellington House ,' which would evolve into increasingly bold bureaucratic iterations - the 'Department of Information,' and finally the explicitly Orwellian sounding ' Ministry of Information .' Through this organization, they systematized mass psychological manipulation based on new principles - that indirect influence through trusted voices works better than direct propaganda, that emotional resonance matters more than facts, that people trust peer sharing over authority. These psychological principles would become the foundational algorithms of social media platforms a century later. These insights didn't fade with time - they evolved. When Facebook conducts A/B testing on emotional contagion or social media algorithms promote peer-to-peer sharing over institutional sources, they're deploying Tavistock's psychological principles in real-time. This work evolved through the treatment of shell-shocked soldiers at the Tavistock Clinic (later the Tavistock Institute), where Dr. John Rawlings Rees and his colleagues discovered how psychological trauma could be used to reshape not just individual consciousness, but entire social systems. Through systematic study of trauma and group psychology, they developed methods to shape not just what people could see, but how they would interpret reality itself. The Institute's work revealed how psychological vulnerability could be used to reshape both individual and group behavior - insights that would prove invaluable as mechanisms of influence evolved from overt censorship to subtle manipulation of perception. Though largely unknown to the public, Tavistock would become one of the most influential organizations in shaping modern social control methods. While most people today know Tavistock only through recent controversies over gender-affirming care , the institute's influence extends back generations, shaping cultural narratives and social transformation since its inception. Their current work represents not an anomaly but a continuation of its long-standing mission to reshape human consciousness. Former MI6 intelligence officer John Coleman's seminal work The Tavistock Institute of Human Relations provided an insider's view of its operations. More recently, researchers like Daniel Estulin , Courtenay Turner and Jay Dyer have further examined its profound impact. The Institute's most refined achievement was transforming psychological theories into practical tools for cultural engineering, particularly through popular music and youth culture. By embedding their principles into seemingly spontaneous cultural trends, they created a template for social programming invisible to its subjects. These methods would first be tested through music. The State Department's jazz diplomacy program of the 1950s-60s revealed how power centers understood music's potential for cultural design. While Louis Armstrong and Dizzy Gillespie toured as 'jazz ambassadors,' another powerful influence was shaping the jazz scene from within. The Baroness Pannonica de Koenigswarter - born into the Rothschild banking dynasty - became a crucial patron of bebop artists like Thelonious Monk and Charlie Parker, both of whom would die in her homes years apart . While her passion for jazz may have been genuine, her deep involvement in the scene coincided with the era when the U.S. State Department and CIA were actively using jazz as a tool of cultural diplomacy. This patronage, whether intentional or not, foreshadowed a pattern of European banking aristocracy's involvement in supposedly revolutionary musical movements. In Part Two, we'll explore the next phase of consciousness control which operated through culture itself. The early experiments in jazz would evolve into an invisible and systematic program of cultural engineering. Institutions would design and ignite cultural movements that appeared organic and by doing so, governing bodies would shape not just what people thought, but their entire framework for understanding anything and everything.The site for an is carefully selected, considering various factors to enhance energy production and reduce environmental and social effects. Discover the factors that determine the optimal sites for offshore wind farms. Offshore wind energy is a type of renewable and clean energy produced by harnessing the wind's power at sea through offshore wind farms, where wind speed is more stable and greater due to the absence of physical barriers. Additionally, it must be considered that the space at sea is more abundant and that vessels allow for the transportation of larger blades and towers. This implies that these offshore wind farms, fitted with the latest technical innovations, can efficiently harness this limitless and clean energy source. However, what criteria do you use to determine the locations for offshore wind farms, and how do you decide if they ought to be offshore or floating wind installations? This procedure includes evaluating several essential elements to maximize the opportunities for wind energy production in regions with robust and steady winds, all while considering logistical and environmental practicality. Discover the important factors needed to determine the ideal site for renewable energy production in marine settings. Choosing the Location for Offshore Wind Farms A primary factor to consider when determining where to place offshore wind farms is the evaluation of the wind resource. An ideal site should experience persistent and robust winds; thus, gathering historical information on wind velocity and direction at the desired offshore location is essential. This information can originate from land-based weather stations, sea-based weather buoys, or readings collected at the precise site. These data are examined to establish average wind speed, annual wind variability, or seasonal patterns, and models are created to consider orography, sea temperature, and other local factors that might affect the wind. Another significant concern is the depth necessary for wind farms, as this affects the kind of foundation needed for wind turbines. Stable structures like monopiles or gravity and jacket foundations can be employed in shallow waters, which are secured to the ocean floor. In deeper waters, floating solutions are necessary and are currently being developed; thus, early projects must consider the higher costs and technical challenges relative to fixed foundations, which have nearly 20 years of development and experience. Floating vs. Fixed Offshore Wind: Which Is the Best Choice? A consideration linked to the choice of where to place offshore wind farms is the kind of technology to implement. The decision between floating and fixed offshore wind relies on various factors that must be thoroughly assessed within the context of a particular project. The depth of water has been highlighted as a key factor because floating wind farms are required in deeper waters, where anchored foundations cannot be used. Nevertheless, the potential for power generation must also be considered, as floating wind farms can utilize locations with stronger and more consistent offshore winds, which enhances the generation capacity compared to shallow water bases. Regarding environmental effects, floating wind farms may have a negligible environmental impact. Additional specific factors, including geology, ocean currents, climate, and navigation, need to be evaluated, as they can be vital for ensuring the project's safety and feasibility. It is important to recognize that merging both types of technologies can be a feasible choice in specific situations. Leveraging their individual advantages can enhance renewable energy production in marine settings. How to Minimize the Environmental Impacts of Offshore Wind Farms Another aspect to think about when determining where to locate offshore wind farms is how to lessen their environmental impacts on marine life and the surrounding ecosystem. When designing offshore wind farms, it is essential to reduce the environmental impact on marine species and ecosystems, accomplished via advanced technologies and intentional strategies. Site selection emphasizes regions with high wind potential while minimizing environmental and visual impacts by steering clear of fragile habitats and shipping routes. Bigger turbines with increased power generation lower the required units, hence lessening construction-related disturbances. Environmental evaluations direct the installation and operational stages, considering potential effects on wildlife, habitats, and the seabed using methods such as cable burial, noise reduction, and strategic anchoring design. Ongoing monitoring, accountable decommissioning, and inventive floating platforms guarantee that these initiatives are effective and ecologically mindful. Bottom Line The offshore wind industry presents considerable opportunities for renewable energy but needs careful planning to address multiple challenges. Optimal sites combine robust wind potential, low environmental effects, and availability of grid connections, guaranteeing technical, financial, and legal viability. Choosing strategic sites facilitates the development of efficient, sustainable offshore wind farms, promoting advancement toward a cleaner energy future.
The air fryer is my secret to being the perfect party host, without much effort at all. With the ability to save energy, cook crispy food quicker than traditional ovens, and save on washing up, it's a hero for low-effort Christmas or New Year celebrations. One dish that can be easily elevated with an air fryer? The charcuterie board. The secret to a standout board lies in balance: blending sweet with savory, soft with crunchy, and classic with unexpected. The best air fryer can help you to achieve this harmony with ease. From crunchy nuts to stunning homemade garnishes, this modern kitchen marvel takes your appetizers to a whole new level. As a chef, I’m excited to share my top tips for using your air fryer to create show-stopping charcuterie boards. My edit of the best air fryers If you're late to the air fryer party, these are the top three models from my best air fryer list. You can cook delicious dishes in any of these air fryers. Best overall Voted our best air fryer overall, this model makes excellent French fries. We highly rate the window and odor neutralizer – it's affordable and user-friendly. You'll never look back. Read more in our Instant Vortex review. Best for families I use this slim air fryer at home. It can stack up to four different ingredients, it's super fast and the baskets are dishwasher-safe for the speediest clean-up. My Ninja Double Stack Air Fryer review has more details. Best budget You might have seen this best-seller on social media. It's inexpensive, but when we put it to the test, we found it's super quick and ultra-powerful. Great for beginners. Read more in our Cosori Pro Air Fryer review. 1. Air-fryer baked brie Baked brie is a crowd-pleasing favorite, and the air fryer delivers that gooey center in record time. I preheat my air fryer to 350°F, then place the brie on parchment paper (which is the best air fryer liner for sticky foods). Once the air fryer is hot, place the brie into the basket and bake for around 7 minutes (or until heated through and gooey inside). Top with a sprig of fresh rosemary and serve alongside crusty bread, figs or crackers. 2. Sweet & spicy nuts Nothing says cozy like a handful of warm, spiced nuts. With an air fryer, it’s effortless to toast almonds, pecans, or cashews to perfection. Toss two cups of nuts in a bowl with two tablespoons of melted butter, two tablespoons of maple syrup, a pinch of cayenne and salt. Place them on parchment paper, then air fry at 300°F for 10 minutes. Make sure to shake the basket halfway through. The result? A golden mix that adds warmth and crunch to your board. 3. Pantry Pasta Chips A crunchy, unexpected twist. Boil your favorite short pasta (bowties and fusilli work wonderfully). Drain and let the steam run off the pasta until dry. Toss with olive oil, garlic powder, oregano, a very generous pinch of salt, and a crack of pepper. Air fry at 390°F for 10-15 minutes, shaking the basket halfway through. The chips come out so crispy and delicious, you'd be tempted to eat them straight away, but they are even better finished with some grated parmesan. This one is my go-to when I'm making appetizers on short notice, since I always have pasta in my pantry. 4. Bacon ribbons Air-fried bacon twists are my favorite thing to put on a charcuterie board. Take a pack of thick-cut bacon, lay them on parchment paper in the air fryer basket, and twist each slice into spirals. Air fry at 390°F for 8-9 minutes, or until the bacon is crispy and golden. It's so quick, easy, and free from excess grease. They look like twirled holiday ribbons. 5. Dried orange slices For an easy, natural charcuterie garnish, I use my air fryer to create dried orange slices . Thinly slice one or two oranges, then pat the slices dry with a paper towel. Arrange them in a single layer and air fry at 200°F for 45 minutes, flipping halfway through, until they are totally dry. The result is delicately crisp slices with a jewel-like color. Nestle them among your cheeses and meats. Tips & tricks To get the crispiest textures, make sure to preheat your air fryer before adding your ingredients. And to reap the rewards of the easy clean up, use parchment paper liners – but just make sure your food is weighty enough to keep the paper anchored to the basket, otherwise this can be a fire risk. Finally, remember to shake the air fryer basket regularly for small fried ingredients, like the nuts or pasta chips. This will ensure an even, golden crispiness all-over. Pair your crispy air-fried goodies and gooey baked cheese with cured meats, fresh fruits, and a few seasonal touches like dried oranges, sprigs of rosemary or fresh cranberries. It will be as beautiful as it is delicious.LANDOVER, Md. (AP) — Jimmy Carter was honored with a moment of silence before the Atlanta Falcons’ game at the Washington Commanders on Sunday night, hours after the 39th president of the United States died at the age of 100 in Plains, Georgia. Beyond being a Georgia native who led the country from the White House less than 8 miles (12 kilometers) away during his time in office from 1977-81, Carter was the first president to host the NFL's Super Bowl champions there when he welcomed the Pittsburgh Steelers in 1980. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings. Get updates and player profiles ahead of Friday's high school games, plus a recap Saturday with stories, photos, video Frequency: Seasonal Twice a weekBy BEN FINLEY The Christmas tradition has become nearly global in scope: Children from around the world track Santa Claus as he sweeps across the earth, delivering presents and defying time. Each year, at least 100,000 kids call into the North American Aerospace Defense Command to inquire about Santa’s location. Millions more follow online in nine languages , from English to Japanese. On any other night, NORAD is scanning the heavens for potential threats , such as last year’s Chinese spy balloon . But on Christmas Eve, volunteers in Colorado Springs are fielding questions like, “When is Santa coming to my house?” and, “Am I on the naughty or nice list?” “There are screams and giggles and laughter,” said Bob Sommers, 63, a civilian contractor and NORAD volunteer. Sommers often says on the call that everyone must be asleep before Santa arrives, prompting parents to say, “Do you hear what he said? We got to go to bed early.” NORAD’s annual tracking of Santa has endured since the Cold War , predating ugly sweater parties and Mariah Carey classics . The tradition continues regardless of government shutdowns, such as the one in 2018 , and this year . Here’s how it began and why the phones keep ringing. It started with a child’s accidental phone call in 1955. The Colorado Springs newspaper printed a Sears advertisement that encouraged children to call Santa, listing a phone number. A boy called. But he reached the Continental Air Defense Command, now NORAD, a joint U.S. and Canadian effort to spot potential enemy attacks. Tensions were growing with the Soviet Union, along with anxieties about nuclear war. Air Force Col. Harry W. Shoup picked up an emergency-only “red phone” and was greeted by a tiny voice that began to recite a Christmas wish list. “He went on a little bit, and he takes a breath, then says, ‘Hey, you’re not Santa,’” Shoup told The Associated Press in 1999. Realizing an explanation would be lost on the youngster, Shoup summoned a deep, jolly voice and replied, “Ho, ho, ho! Yes, I am Santa Claus. Have you been a good boy?” Shoup said he learned from the boy’s mother that Sears mistakenly printed the top-secret number. He hung up, but the phone soon rang again with a young girl reciting her Christmas list. Fifty calls a day followed, he said. In the pre-digital age, the agency used a 60-by-80 foot (18-by-24 meter) plexiglass map of North America to track unidentified objects. A staff member jokingly drew Santa and his sleigh over the North Pole. The tradition was born. “Note to the kiddies,” began an AP story from Colorado Springs on Dec. 23, 1955. “Santa Claus Friday was assured safe passage into the United States by the Continental Air Defense Command.” In a likely reference to the Soviets, the article noted that Santa was guarded against possible attack from “those who do not believe in Christmas.” Some grinchy journalists have nitpicked Shoup’s story, questioning whether a misprint or a misdial prompted the boy’s call. In 2014, tech news site Gizmodo cited an International News Service story from Dec. 1, 1955, about a child’s call to Shoup. Published in the Pasadena Independent, the article said the child reversed two digits in the Sears number. “When a childish voice asked COC commander Col. Harry Shoup, if there was a Santa Claus at the North Pole, he answered much more roughly than he should — considering the season: ‘There may be a guy called Santa Claus at the North Pole, but he’s not the one I worry about coming from that direction,’” Shoup said in the brief piece. In 2015, The Atlantic magazine doubted the flood of calls to the secret line, while noting that Shoup had a flair for public relations. Phone calls aside, Shoup was indeed media savvy. In 1986, he told the Scripps Howard News Service that he recognized an opportunity when a staff member drew Santa on the glass map in 1955. A lieutenant colonel promised to have it erased. But Shoup said, “You leave it right there,” and summoned public affairs. Shoup wanted to boost morale for the troops and public alike. “Why, it made the military look good — like we’re not all a bunch of snobs who don’t care about Santa Claus,” he said. Shoup died in 2009. His children told the StoryCorps podcast in 2014 that it was a misprinted Sears ad that prompted the phone calls. “And later in life he got letters from all over the world,” said Terri Van Keuren, a daughter. “People saying ‘Thank you, Colonel, for having, you know, this sense of humor.’” NORAD’s tradition is one of the few modern additions to the centuries-old Santa story that have endured, according to Gerry Bowler, a Canadian historian who spoke to the AP in 2010. Ad campaigns or movies try to “kidnap” Santa for commercial purposes, said Bowler, who wrote “Santa Claus: A Biography.” NORAD, by contrast, takes an essential element of Santa’s story and views it through a technological lens. In a recent interview with the AP, Air Force Lt. Gen. Case Cunningham explained that NORAD radars in Alaska and Canada —- known as the northern warning system — are the first to detect Santa. He leaves the North Pole and typically heads for the international dateline in the Pacific Ocean. From there he moves west, following the night. “That’s when the satellite systems we use to track and identify targets of interest every single day start to kick in,” Cunningham said. “A probably little-known fact is that Rudolph’s nose that glows red emanates a lot of heat. And so those satellites track (Santa) through that heat source.” NORAD has an app and website, www.noradsanta.org , that will track Santa on Christmas Eve from 4 a.m. to midnight, mountain standard time. People can call 1-877-HI-NORAD to ask live operators about Santa’s location from 6 a.m. to midnight, mountain time.
