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Abortion has become slightly more common despite bans or deep restrictions in most Republican-controlled states, and the legal and political fights over its future are not over yet. It’s now been two and a half years since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and opened the door for states to implement bans. The policies and their impact have been in flux ever since the ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. Here’s a look at data on where things stand: Abortions slightly more common now The overturning of Roe and the enforcement of abortion bans have changed how woman obtain abortions in the United States. But they haven’t put a dent in the number of abortions being obtained. There have been slightly more monthly abortions across the country recently than there were in the months leading up to the June 2022 ruling, even as the number in states with bans dropped to near zero. “Abortion bans don’t actually prevent abortions from happening,” said Ushma Upadhyay, a public health social scientist at the University of California San Francisco. But, she said, they do change care. For women in some states, there are major obstacles to getting abortions — and advocates say that low-income, minority and immigrant women are least likely to be able to get them when they want. For those living in states with bans, the ways to access abortion are through travel or abortion pills. Pills and legal questions As the bans swept in, abortion pills became a bigger part of the equation. They were involved in about half the abortions before Dobbs. More recently, it’s been closer to two-thirds of them, according to research by the Guttmacher Institute. The uptick of that kind of abortion, usually involving a combination of two drugs, was underway before the ruling. But now, it’s become more common for pill prescriptions to be made by telehealth. By the summer of 2024, about 1 in 10 abortions was via pills prescribed via telehealth to patients in states where abortion is banned. As a result, the pills are now at the center of battles over abortion access. This month, Texas sued a New York doctor for prescribing pills to a Texas woman via telemedicine. There’s also an effort by Idaho, Kansas and Missouri to roll back their federal approvals and treat them as “controlled dangerous substances,” and a push for the federal government to start enforcing a 19th-century federal law to ban mailing them. Travel increases Clinics have closed or halted abortions in states with bans. But a network of efforts to get women seeking abortions to places where they’re legal has strengthened, and travel for abortion is now common. The Guttmacher Institute found that more than twice as many Texas residents obtained abortion in 2023 in New Mexico as New Mexico residents did. And as many Texans received them in Kansas as Kansans. Abortion funds, which benefitted from “rage giving” in 2022, have helped pay the costs for many abortion-seekers. But some funds have had to cap how much they can give. Since the downfall of Roe, the actions of lawmakers and courts have kept shifting where abortion is legal and under what conditions. Florida, the nation’s third-most-populous state, began enforcing a ban on abortions after the first six weeks of pregnancy on May 1. That immediately changed the state from one that was a refuge for other Southerners seeking abortions to an exporter of people looking for them. There were about 30 percent fewer abortions there in May compared with the average for the first three months of the year. And in June, there were 35 percent fewer. While the ban is not unique, the impact is especially large. The average driving time from Florida to a facility in North Carolina where abortion is available for the first 12 weeks of pregnancy is more than nine hours, according to data maintained by Caitlin Myers, a Middlebury College economics professor. Clinics The bans have meant clinics closed or stopped offering abortions in some states. But some states where abortion remains legal until viability — generally considered to be sometime past 21 weeks of pregnancy, though there’s no fixed time for it — have seen clinics open and expand. Illinois, Kansas and New Mexico are among the states with new clinics. There were 799 publicly identifiable abortion providers in the United States in May 2022, the month before the Supreme Court reversed Roe v. Wade. By this November, it was 792, according to a tally by Myers, who is collecting data on abortion providers. But Myers said some hospitals that always provided some abortions have begun advertising it. So they’re now in the count of clinics — even though they might provide few of the procedures. Emergencies How hospitals handle pregnancy complications, especially those that threaten the lives of the women, has emerged as a major issue since Roe was overturned. President Joe Biden’s administration says hospitals must offer abortions when they’re needed to prevent organ loss, hemorrhage or deadly infections, even in states with bans. Texas is challenging the administration’s policy, and the U.S. Supreme Court this year declined to take it up after the Biden administration sued Idaho. More than 100 pregnant women seeking help in emergency rooms have been turned away or left unstable since 2022, The Associated Press found in an analysis of federal hospital investigative records. Among the complaints were a woman who miscarried in the lobby restroom of Texas emergency room after staff refused to see her and a woman who gave birth in a car after a North Carolina hospital couldn’t offer an ultrasound. The baby later died. “It is increasingly less safe to be pregnant and seeking emergency care in an emergency department,” Dara Kass, an emergency medicine doctor and former U.S. Health and Human Services official, told the AP earlier this year.
SEC Hits Blockchain Gaming Project with Wells NoticeScott Turner, President-elect Donald Trump choice to lead the Department of Housing and Urban Development , is a former NFL player who ran the White House Opportunity and Revitalization Council during Trump’s first term. Turner, 52, is the first Black person selected to be a member of the Republican's incoming cabinet. 24/7 San Diego news stream: Watch NBC 7 free wherever you are Here are some things to know about Turner: From professional football to politics Turner grew up in a Dallas suburb, Richardson, and graduated from the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. He was a defensive back and spent nine seasons in the NFL beginning in 1995, playing for the Washington Redskins, San Diego Chargers and Denver Broncos. During offseasons, he worked as an intern then-Rep. Duncan Hunter, R-Calif. After Turner retired in 2004, he worked full time for the congressman. In 2006, Turner ran unsuccessfully as a Republican in California’s 50th Congressional District. Turner joined the Texas House in 2013 as part of a large crop of tea party-supported lawmakers. He tried unsuccessfully to become speaker before he finished his second term in 2016. He did not seek a third term. U.S. & World Vaccines don't cause autism. What does? Here's what to know about the new funding deal that countries agreed to at UN climate talks Motivational speaker and pastor Turner also worked for a software company in a position called “chief inspiration officer” and said he acted as a professional mentor, pastor, and councilor for the employees and executive team. He has also been a motivational speaker. He and his wife, Robin Turner, founded a nonprofit promoting initiatives to improve childhood literacy. His church, Prestonwood Baptist Church, lists him as an associate pastor. He is also chair of the center for education opportunity at America First Policy Institute, a think tank set up by former Trump administration staffers to lay the groundwork if he won a second term. Headed council in Trump's first term Trump introduced Turner in April 2019 as the head of the new White House Opportunity and Revitalization Council. Trump credited Turner with “helping to lead an Unprecedented Effort that Transformed our Country’s most distressed communities.” The mission of the council was to coordinate with various federal agencies to attract investment to so-called “Opportunity Zones," which were economically depressed areas eligible to be used for the federal tax incentives. The role of HUD HUD is responsible for addressing the nation’s housing needs. It also is charged with fair housing laws and oversees housing for the poorest Americans, sheltering more than 4.3 million low-income families through public housing, rental subsidy and voucher programs. The agency, with a budget of tens of billions of dollars, runs a multitude of programs that do everything from reducing homelessness to promoting homeownership. It also funds the construction of affordable housing and provides vouchers that allow low income families pay for housing in the private market. During the campaign, Trump focused mostly on the prices of housing, not public housing. He railed against the high cost of housing and said he could make it more affordable by cracking down on illegal immigration and reducing inflation. He also said he would work to reduce regulations on home construction and make some federal land available for residential construction.
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Criticising the federal government's 'unilateral decision-making', Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) Information Secretary Shazia Atta Marri has warned such actions could have far-reaching consequences, stressing that threats or coercion could not resolve the party's serious issues with the government. Marri condemned the decision to construct six new canals from the Indus River, calling it a blatant violation of the IRSA Act and the 1991 Water Accord. "Whenever the 1991 Accord is misused, the PPP has raised its voice," she asserted. Speaking during a press conference on Sunday, the PPP leader said party chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari didn't indulge in 'politics of ambiguity' and remained vocal when Pakistan's people were in distress. She further slammed the federal government for addressing the country's challenges superficially, presenting impressive statistics without tangible benefits for the public. "Bilawal is deeply concerned about the federal government's approach to addressing the country's challenges", she said. Referring to Bilawal's recent statements, Marri said that the Bhutto scion rightly pointed out that the people of Pakistan desired political and economic stability, relief from inflation and poverty, and demanded prosperity. However, she said, while the government presented impressive statistics, they did not translate into tangible benefits for the people. Addressing international criticism, Member of National Assembly (MNA) Shazia Marri remarked that when staunch supporters of Israel in the US spoke against Pakistan's defence assets, their local allies celebrated. She noted that these pro-Israel elements were not only advocating sanctions on Pakistan's missile technology but also supporting an accused in prison. Marri challenged PTI founder Imran Khan to openly condemn such actions if he truly believed these individuals were wrong to target Pakistan's defence assets. However, she noted his silence on the matter and declared that the PPP would not allow anyone to compromise Pakistan's interests. Shazia Atta Marri criticised the federal government for failing to convene a Council of Common Interests (CCI) meeting, terming it a constitutional violation. She highlighted that the federal Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP) had allocated only seven projects worth Rs77.2 billion to Sindh, compared to 34 projects worth Rs693.4 billion for Punjab, 21 projects for Balochistan, and 30 for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. She also criticised the federal energy minister for his 'arrogant attitude' and 'unserious demeanour' in parliamentary sessions. Marri recalled that the minister admitted in the House to providing incorrect answers initially, only to correct them later. She stressed that the PPP's rejection of politics based on hatred and division should not be mistaken for weakness. Additionally, Marri condemned the federal and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa governments for neglecting the people of Parachinar, leaving them without support amidst their struggles. Shazia Atta Marri remarked that the enthusiastic participation from every corner of the country on the 17th martyrdom anniversary of slain former prime minister Benazir Bhutto had set a new precedent. She expressed confidence that the spirit and determination with which people had gathered in Garhi Khuda Bakhsh was a testament to their commitment to continuing the mission of Benazir Bhutto. She reiterated Bilawal's assertion that if Pakistan's nuclear assets or missile technology were ever under threat, the entire nation must unite to defend them. COMMENTS Comments are moderated and generally will be posted if they are on-topic and not abusive. For more information, please see ourKAMNIK POD KRIMOM, Slovenia, Nov. 26 (Xinhua) -- Klementina Rednak Meznar, the first buyer of Dongfeng Box in Slovenia, received her new car on Tuesday. "I really like its shape. It is not too big, which will make parking easier. I am also fascinated by its great interior design," Meznar said at a delivery ceremony held at the sales center of Chinese automaker Dongfeng. Ma Lei, general manager of import and export division of Dongfeng Motor Industry, said that Dongfeng is optimistic about its future development in Slovenia. The Chinese automaker would achieve its goal of gaining 1 percent of the Slovenian market by the year end, even though it is the first year for Dongfeng to enter the Slovenian market, he said. For him, the biggest advantage of Dongfeng Box model is its harmony, which unites comfortable and smooth ride with a battery that can provide up to a 400 km range on a single charge. According to Marko Femc, CEO of Plan-net Avto, the official importer of Dongfeng cars to Slovenia, it is difficult to have a stock of Dongfeng Box in Slevenia since there is a high demand for the model across the world. "We received the first shipment of the Box model yesterday and expect to sell some 650 units of that model by the middle of the next year," he said. On EU's tariff hikes against imports of Chinese electric vehicles, Femc said "the tariffs are bad for consumers, but I am very optimistic that the EU and China may soon reach a deal to ease the tariff burden." The first sales and technical center of Chinese automaker Dongfeng opened in Kamnik pod Krimom, central Slovenia on Oct. 23, 2024.LSU 109, UCF 102, 3OT
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Elon Musk Agrees That People Want To See Jeffrey Epstein FilesIMF Calls For Economy-Crushing Carbon Restrictions That Dwarf COVID LockdownsConstruction to begin at giant battery in ACT, as plans unveiled for even bigger battery at Hazelwood
Sri Lanka is at a crucial juncture in its history, facing numerous challenges that threaten the stability and future of the nation. While some argue that collaborative governance, involving cooperation among political parties and civil society, could offer a way forward, the realities of the current political landscape, economic difficulties, and social divisions suggest that this approach may face significant hurdles. The promise of collaboration is often idealised, but the deep-seated divisions within the country make it a far more complicated and potentially ineffective solution. This article examines the limitations of collaborative governance in Sri Lanka, recognising that while collaboration sounds ideal in theory, the complexities of the political and social fabric may make such an approach difficult to implement in practice. It also highlights the areas where such governance might work in principle but acknowledges that much work remains to be done to overcome the challenges that lie ahead. Sri Lanka’s political environment is characterised by fragmentation and historical mistrust between political parties. The idea of unifying these groups to create a shared vision for the nation is undoubtedly appealing, but in practice, it remains a difficult proposition. Sri Lanka has witnessed repeated cycles of political polarisation, which complicate any attempt at consensus-building. These challenges include: Political polarisation: Long-standing political divisions and ideological differences among parties, both at the national and regional levels, often result in gridlock and hinder the formation of a united front. Economic instability: The economic crisis, including high inflation, public debt, and unemployment, demands urgent reforms. The process of building political consensus can delay necessary interventions and prolong the suffering of ordinary citizens. Ethnic and social divisions: The legacy of ethnic conflict and ongoing social disparities further complicates any attempts at collaboration. While reconciliation efforts have been made, the divisions are deep, and genuine dialogue remains a challenge. The creation of a National Advisory Council (NAC) to foster consensus-building is a well-intentioned idea, aiming to bring together political leaders, civil society, and the public. However, while such bodies have been proposed in the past, they have struggled with legitimacy and effectiveness. The political environment in Sri Lanka has historically been resistant to compromise, and any such council risks becoming a platform for partisan politics rather than a genuine forum for dialogue. Bureaucratic inefficiency: Similar bodies have often become mired in bureaucratic red tape, hindering their ability to implement effective change. Legitimacy concerns: Gaining the trust of all political factions, particularly those outside the traditional power structure, may prove difficult, and the NAC could be seen as a symbolic gesture rather than a real solution. Risk of stalemate: In the absence of strong political will, such councils may only lead to more debates and less action, especially if parties are more interested in securing political gain than achieving consensus. Sri Lanka’s economic crisis requires swift and decisive action. The push for collaboration among political parties may slow down the implementation of urgent reforms needed to stabilise the economy. Short-term stabilisation efforts, such as debt restructuring and social safety nets, are essential, but political consensus-building may delay these critical actions. Urgent economic reforms: Structural adjustments, including fiscal discipline, public sector reforms, and improved governance, require bold leadership, not prolonged negotiations. Long-term structural challenges: Sri Lanka’s economic recovery is not only about political consensus but also about creating sustainable policies that promote long-term growth, including fostering entrepreneurship, improving infrastructure, and increasing exports. While decentralisation is often presented as a way to address regional disparities and promote more localised governance, it can also deepen the divisions between ethnic and social groups. The question of how power is distributed across Sri Lanka’s regions is highly sensitive, and any attempt to implement decentralisation without addressing underlying issues could potentially exacerbate ethnic tensions rather than resolve them. Ethnic tensions: Decentralisation could give rise to more powerful regional governments, each with their own priorities, potentially undermining national unity and fostering further division. Governance challenges: The capacity of regional governments to manage resources effectively may vary, leading to disparities in service delivery and governance quality across the country. Technology holds great promise for improving governance, transparency, and efficiency. However, the implementation of new technologies, such as blockchain for accountability and artificial intelligence for data management, must be handled carefully. Sri Lanka’s institutional weaknesses—such as corruption and lack of capacity—may hinder the effective use of these technologies. Data integrity and access: While technology can improve transparency, it also raises concerns about data security and privacy, which may be misused by powerful actors within the political system. Implementation delays: The roll-out of technological solutions may be delayed by bureaucratic inefficiencies, technical barriers, and a lack of skilled professionals to manage these systems. While the focus on education, particularly in STEM fields, is vital for Sri Lanka’s future, the challenges facing the education system—such as outdated curricula, underfunded schools, and lack of infrastructure—are not easily solved through political collaboration alone. Empowering the youth of Sri Lanka requires long-term commitment and significant investment in education, which may be delayed by the political process. Immediate challenges: Short-term educational reforms, such as improving teacher training and access to technology, are crucial for addressing gaps in the current system. Long-term investment: Addressing the root causes of educational inequities requires consistent policy implementation and a focus on building a knowledge economy, which cannot be achieved without sustained effort and resources. While collaborative governance presents an appealing vision of unity and cooperation, Sri Lanka’s political, economic, and social challenges may render this approach difficult to implement effectively. Political polarisation, economic instability, and historical divisions make collaboration a challenging prospect. Moreover, attempts at achieving consensus may delay much-needed reforms and exacerbate existing tensions. Ultimately, Sri Lanka’s path forward will require more than just political collaboration. It will require decisive leadership, bold action, and a clear focus on addressing the root causes of the country’s challenges. While collaborative governance could play a role, it must be accompanied by a pragmatic approach that prioritises effective action over prolonged negotiations. Only then can Sri Lanka hope to navigate its current crisis and build a stable, prosperous future.
