LeBron James Made His Opinion On Trump Voters Pretty ClearRavens CB Marlon Humphrey receives fine from NFL for something he claims to be a misunderstandingThe first thing I do each morning is check my watch — not for the time but for my sleep score. As a runner, when the glowing red letters say my score — and my training readiness — are poor, I feel an instant dread. Regardless, I scroll on, inspecting my heart rate variability and stress level — snapshots that influence the tone I carry into the day. What does dreading my smartwatch’s interpretation of my athletic competence say about me? That I have become a pawn in the gamification of health data. Last year, electronics represented one of the largest proportions of total Black Friday sales, according to Deloitte. That’s when I bought my first smartwatch, a Garmin. This year, I’m throwing it away. I was the perfect target. For several years, I had been preparing to run my first marathon. I watched fitness influencers, ultramarathoners and Olympians optimize their training with meticulous tracking and high-tech devices. I wanted in. I got the watch and joined Strava, a social media network for athletes. Once I had a tracker on, sleep became sacred. I traded late-night socializing for it, confident that I’d cash in on race day. I built my day around my nights, transfixed by a false sense of control over my circadian rhythm. Sleep, just like my running routine, had slowly morphed from a bodily function into a technological token of productivity. I was hooked, emboldened by the illusion that I was training intuitively. I pushed hard when my Garmin nudged me, and even harder when I wanted to prove its metrics wrong. I began to run more for the PR (personal record) badge and “your fastest 5k!” notifications than for mental clarity and solitude. I ran because I loved it, and because I loved it, I fell prey to the Strava-fication of it. Suddenly, I was no longer running for myself. I was running for public consumption. I realized this only when it literally became painfully obvious. An MRI found that the lingering pain I’d been ignoring in my heels — something my watch hadn’t picked up on — was caused by four running-induced stress fractures. I’ve realized that health optimization tools — the ones marketed as necessary for better sleep, a lower resting heart rate, higher VO2 max (a measure of how much oxygen your body absorbs) and so on — are designed to profit off our fitness anxiety. We track ourselves this way and that way, obsessing over our shortcomings to no apparent end. In doing so, we are deprogrammed from listening to innate physiological signals and reprogrammed to create shadow experiences such as posting our detailed workout stats or running paths on digital walls that no one is looking at. I don’t deny that today’s fitness gadgets are incredibly alluring, and in many ways tracking can be useful for training. I am convinced, however, that overreliance on the data collected by devices and apps — and the comparisons we draw from sharing it — can quickly corrupt and commodify what I find to be the true essence of running: being present. When we aren’t tracking, when we are just doing, we can begin to reap the dull yet profound psychological benefits of endurance sports — the repetitive silence, the consistent failure — that can’t be captured in a post or monetized. Exercise is a rare opportunity to allow our bodies’ movement to color our thoughts from one minute to the next. When we’re in motion, we don’t need to analyze our health metrics. We can learn to accept the moment and be humbled by our limitations. Cate Twining-Ward is a climate policy consultant in New York City. ©2024 Los Angeles Times. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency.

Horoscope Today, November 24, 2024: Explore Astrological Insights For Your Zodiac SignPublished 21:46 IST, December 28th 2024 BJP President JP Nadda launched a pincer attack on the Congress stating it never wanted the last rites of ex-PM late PV Narasimha Rao to take place in Delhi. New Delhi: BJP President JP Nadda, on Saturday, launched a pincer attack on the Congress stating it never wanted the last rites of former Prime Minister late PV Narasimha Rao to take place in Delhi. Nadda's remarks came after a row erupted over a memorial for the former prime minister, with the Congress demanding that former PM Manmohan Singh's last rites be performed at a place where a memorial could be built later. In a sharp rebuke, Nadda said, "The Congress never gave respect to Manmohan Singh when he was alive now it is politicising in the name of respect." The Congress party alleged that the government led by the BJP was "deliberately insulting" the first Sikh prime minister of the country in not doing so. After the matter of a memorial to Singh took a political colour, the government clarified that a decision to build one had already been conveyed to Kharge by the Union home minister after Friday's Cabinet meeting. A government statement also said the funeral could be held as the process of setting up a trust and allotting land for the memorial could take a while. Kharge had written to Modi on Friday seeking a memorial for Singh. Several sections of the society also urged the government to confer Bharat Ratna on the late economist-prime minister. Singh died of age-related complications at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) in Delhi, the ace tertiary-care public establishment where the former prime minister always got admitted whenever he faced medical complications. Former prime minister Manmohan Singh, who led India to the path of economic liberalisation in the 1990s, was cremated with full state honours at Nigambodh Ghat in New Delhi on Saturday in the presence of top dignitaries from the country and abroad. A seven-day national mourning is being observed as a mark of respect to the former prime minister during which the national flag will be flown at half-mast across the nation, the Union home ministry has announced. (with PTI inputs) Get Current Updates on India News , Entertainment News along with Latest News and Top Headlines from India and around the world. Updated 21:46 IST, December 28th 2024

Questioning the decisions of professionals is a time-honored tradition of sports fans and automotive enthusiasts alike. Professional athletes train their entire lives, honing physiques, sharpening minds, studying every aspect of their chosen game, only to have thousands of fans spilling beverages while scrutinizing every move and shouting suggested improvements. While automotive enthusiasts aren't as vocal, we suffer the same angst and spill the occasional beverage when discussing the state of automobiles for which we've developed a passion. One area in particular that gets our blood boiling is news that a beloved model is getting the axe just because some corporate bean counter (no offense intended to those tasked with the counting of beans) placed more beans in the "cons" column than they did in the "pros." We won't include the Nissan MID4 among our lost loves since it was discontinued before it even rolled off the factory floor , but the recently announced discontinuance of the Nissan GT-R has already left a hole in some of our hearts. In addition to the GT-R, the Nissan Titan XD is among the top brand cars and trucks being discontinued in 2025 that we wish would stick around. Other Nissan models we wish were still available include the Xterra, Juke, and Murano CrossCabriolet. If you hurry, you might be able to snag a new Nissan GT-R, but with the beloved model's slated demise following a limited 2025 production run, your opportunity to be the first owner of one of Nissan's most iconic sports cars is slipping away, at least for a while. The suggested prices of the 2024 Nissan GT-R range from $121,090 for the Premium AWD version to $221,090 for the AWD Nismo. Intermediate models include the Skyline Edition and T-spec AWD. In all, these model names are reminiscent of some of the best special edition Nissan GT-Rs ever made . The top-spec 2024 Nissan GT-R Nismo AWD features a specially-tuned 600-horsepower twin-turbo 3.8-liter V6. The Nismo V6 produces 481 pound-feet of torque and gets an estimated 22 mpg on the highway using premium unleaded gas. Power transmits to all four tires through a six-speed auto-shift manual transmission and limited-slip differential system. The final GT-R features independent double wishbone suspension up front and independent multi-link rear suspension with front and rear stabilizer bars. The rack-and-pinion steering mechanism features hydraulic power-assist and speed-sensitive operation. The Titan is another discontinued model you might still find on a dealer lot if you hurry. While the Cummins diesel-powered Nissan Titan XD , discontinued following the 2019 model year, was never particularly well-suited to compete in the heavy-duty pickup truck segment it was often associated with, it served a noble purpose nonetheless. It was the worst truck, the truck that other trucks aspired to be better than. With the Titan XD's absence, other automakers could let their trucks slip into the lowest position and begin to feel comfortable there. The loss of diesel-powered half-ton trucks, and entire V8-engine lineups, are the slippery-slope that the Nissan Titan XD once held firm. While rumors of the Nissan Titan making a comeback in 2025 appear false, the gas-powered 2024 Titan XD is likely still available, although it's also being discontinued. The 2024 Titan XD featured a 400-horsepower 5.6-liter V8 with 413 lb-ft of torque. Its drivetrain consisted of a nine-speed automatic transmission, a two-speed switch-operated transfer case, and Nissan's standard four-wheel drive while the Titan XD PRO-4X trim came with an electronic locking rear differential. However, we wish the 5.0 Cummins diesel-powered Nissan Titan XD was still available. We'll admit that if you peruse the pages of SlashGear you'll find the Nissan Xterra listed among the used Nissan models you should steer clear of at all costs . But that was the 2005 model year that kicked off the Xterra's second generation. Of course, we'd like to see a host of improvements associated with the return of the Xterra, but hopefully with enough of its rugged charm to compete with other off-road-oriented SUVs dominating the market today. Early versions of the Xterra included the XE and SE trims. Engine offerings were divided between a 2.4L inline four-cylinder and a 3.3L V6. We'd expect a returning Nissan Xterra to share drivetrain specs with the ongoing midsize Nissan Frontier pickup truck. For 2024, the Frontier featured a 310-horsepower 3.8-liter V6 delivering up to 281 lb-ft of torque, a nine-speed automatic transmission, and a two-speed transfer case on 4x4 models. Hopefully, if it returns, the Xterra doesn't devolve into another soccer-team-transport vehicle best suited to traversing mall parking lots. It would be nice to see an Xterra equipped to compete with the likes of the Ford Bronco Raptor, or Wildtrak . The Nissan Juke, with its quirky front turn signals perched atop its fenders like raised eyebrows, didn't present a face everyone loved. Nissan introduced the Juke, a compact crossover, in 2010. Inspired by the Qazana concept vehicle that debuted at the Geneva Motor Show the year prior, the innovative Juke featured torque-vectoring technology, the first for a compact car. In the early model Jukes, it was common to find a naturally aspirated 188-horsepower 1.6-liter engine under the hood. However, before the Juke was discontinued in the U.S . and replaced by the Nissan Kicks following the 2017 model year, Nissan changed up the Juke's engine lineup. Starting in 2014, Nissan began offering the Juke with a smaller 1.2-liter DIG-T 115 (Direct Injection Gasoline-Turbo offering 115 ps, or 113 horsepower) and a revised 188-horsepower DIG-T 190 engine for the Juke Nismo with 177 lb-ft of torque. Of course the Nismo RS sits on top of our Nissan Juke wishlist. It not only featured race-inspired seats, an aerodynamic body kit, and Nismo-tuned suspension components, its engine produced 215 horsepower and 210 lb-ft of torque. Up to this point, our wish list for returning Nissan models has included a sports car, a diesel pickup, a rugged off-road vehicle, and a quirky yet sporty compact SUV. For our final wish, provided we can find a genie that grants five wishes, we'd like to see an updated version of the Nissan Murano CrossCabriolet. Sure, maybe the Murano CrossCabriolet, arguably one of the weirdest SUVs ever made , was ahead of its time when it debuted in 2011 as a convertible SUV with soft suspension and odd steering. And its low sales volume suggests that the SUV-buying public didn't warm up to its uniqueness by the time Nissan pulled the plug on it after the 2014 model year. But the world has changed in the 11 years since its departure. The basic Nissan Murano, now in its fourth generation, has proved quite popular with U.S. SUV buyers, although it flopped in other parts of the world. Given the Nissan Murano's staying power and the popularity of convertible SUVs like the Jeep Wrangler and Ford Bronco, the CrossCabriolet is sure to find some buyers given the proper treatment and an affordable suggested price from Nissan.

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Stojakovic, Wilkinson lead short-handed Cal past Sacramento State, 83-77 in Cal ClassicThe aching Steelers still control their destiny in the AFC North. Their grasp, however, is slippingLess than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

Ex-US president, Jimmy Carter, dies at 100The YouTube algorithm keeps threatening me with videos about how the new Dragon Age is a crime against Gamers. I haven't watched any of them, but my recommendations still overflow. Even people with less overheated opinions have been down on its relatively chill vibes and easygoing nature. Just quietly, I've enjoyed most of my time with it. Not all of it, of course. Like too many BioWare RPGs, Veilguard frontloads its least interesting companions. This time the Carth Onasi you have to suffer before you're allowed to hang out with the cool kids is Neve, a detective whose schtick is being Sherlock Holmes without the deductive grandstanding, drug addiction, or ability to put emphasis on words. She seems way less fun at parties. It didn't take long before I met more memorable companions, though—a Grey Warden slash full-time griffin dad, a surly qunari hyperfocused on dragons, and a necromancer who acts like Vincent Price hosting The Muppet Show. The locations open up too, loads more than I was expecting them too. BioWare had promised a more mission-focused structure to contrast with the open sprawl of Inquisition, and while there are no Hinterlands here I was surprised at how many times I returned to an early Veilguard zone, Arlathan Forest, and found it stuffed with newly accessible loot, puzzles, and sidequests. Of the later locations, the Hossberg Wetlands was a highlight—as upsettingly moist as the name suggests, recalling the mud and blood of Ferelden. Where Inquisition sent you to Orlais to see a part of Thedas that wasn't defined by filth and the constant sound of barking dogs, Veilguard takes place even further afield in the northern half of the world. There are no alienages here. Sure, the main entertainment in Docktown is public hanging and the Venatori use slaves as chairs, but the edgelord dial has been turned way down since Origins. Michael Moorcock wrote an essay once comparing high fantasy stories like The Lord of the Rings to Winnie-the-Pooh, saying both were basically lullabies for children "meant to soothe and console." That's because Moorcock, like George R. R. Martin, thought unrelenting grim-and-grittiness means realism, and that there was virtue in fantasy being realistic. Veilguard does not, and is better for it. Instead, it freely fluctuates between sentimental coffeeshop fanfic and Blight-tentacle horror as each scene dictates. The biggest gaming news, reviews and hardware deals Keep up to date with the most important stories and the best deals, as picked by the PC Gamer team. The former is concentrated in the de rigueur loyalty quests. You help the necromancer come to terms with his mortality, and the assassin with his demonic possession and thirst for revenge, because despite all the setting's modernisms they haven't invented therapy in Thedas. Yet the reason you get all kumbaya with your Veilguard companions is so they'll be ready to risk their lives in a final suicide mission even more brutal than the one in Mass Effect 2. I loved the ending of Mass Effect 2 and was baffled BioWare didn't repeat the trick in subsequent games. That format—where you face a challenge so tough you have to take the whole squad you've assembled over the course of the game and delegate tasks to match their skillsets—makes an ideal climax for an RPG. Did you pay attention to the way every war story Zaeed tells in Mass Effect 2 ends with a bunch of people he fought beside dying? I sure didn't! So when I cheerfully assigned him to command my second fireteam because he's an experienced veteran, one of my squadmates died. BioWare finally realized that kind of high-pressure friendship exam makes for a more memorable climax than a choice between color-coded endings, so that's exactly what Veilguard builds to. The opening may be rough, with some on-the-nose dialogue and choppy pacing, but if like me you've been waiting for BioWare to do an encore where they play Suicide Mission (Reprise) since 2010, they heard us stamping at last. The YouTube algorithm may not know what I like, but BioWare finally figured it out.Social Media Startup Bluesky Sees 300% Post-Election User Jump

HAMILTON, N.Y. (AP) — Dejour Reaves' 20 points helped Iona defeat Colgate 79-73 on Sunday. Reaves also contributed nine rebounds and six steals for the Gaels (4-8, 1-1 Metro Atlantic Athletic Conference). Yaphet Moundi added 13 points while finishing 6 of 8 from the floor while they also had five rebounds. Adam Njie had 12 points and shot 5 of 11 from the field, including 1 for 4 from 3-point range, and went 1 for 4 from the line. The Raiders (3-10) were led in scoring by Nicolas Louis-Jacques, who finished with 27 points. Jalen Cox added 16 points, four assists and two steals for Colgate. Parker Jones also had seven points and two steals. Reaves scored 11 points in the first half for Iona, who led 36-32 at the break. Iona used a 7-0 run in the second half to build an eight-point lead at 43-35 with 16:42 left in the half before finishing off the win. Up next for Iona is a matchup Sunday with Harvard at home. Colgate hosts Army on Thursday. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .

N22 closure due to traffic collision in Kerry

The NFC North has been the NFL conference to watch this season and a lot of that has to do with two former USC Trojans ; Chicago Bears quarterback Caleb Williams and Minnesota Vikings quarterback Sam Darnold. And on Sunday the two squared off for what was a wild gunslinging affair, where both showed off their undeniable talents. Former USC Trojans QBs Square Off In NFC North Tilt Darnold (USC’s QB from 2016-2017) has captained the Vikings offense to a 9-2 record, putting them in a great position to make the playoffs for the first time since 2022. The Bears are a far less impressive 4-6 with Williams under center, but as the top pick in 2024’s NFL Draft and one of the most dynamic quarterbacks in the league, he and the Bears are still a must-watch. The two went back and forth through the first half, but the Vikings took a 24-10 lead by the end of the third quarter. Williams then put on his Superman cape and mounted three straight scoring drives that included several big throws and scrambles by Williams. With just 22 seconds left in the game, the Bears got the ball back on their 43-yard line. They called a pass on first down, in which Williams connected with DJ Moore for 27 yards. This set the Bears up at the Vikings’ 30, which was enough for Cairo Santos to tie the game at 27 all and send it into overtime. Not to be outdone, Darnold then drove the ball back at the stifling Bears defense with passes of, seven, 13, nine, 12, and finally, a 29-yarder that set up the game-winning field goal. The 13-yard pass was to former USC Trojan Jordan Addison. Williams ended up connecting on 32 of 47 passes for 340 yards, two touchdowns, and no interceptions. Darnold went 22 for 34 for 330, for two touchdowns and no interceptions as well. Jordan Addison’s Career Day As for Jordan Addison, his eight receptions and 162 yards were both career highs. It included a career-long 69-yard catch. This article first appeared on LAFB Network and was syndicated with permission.

BOSTON — Forty years ago, Heisman Trophy winner Doug Flutie rolled to his right and threw a pass that has become one of college football’s most iconic moments. With Boston College trailing defending champion Miami, Flutie threw the Hail Mary and found receiver Gerard Phalen, who made the grab while falling into the end zone behind a pair of defenders for a game-winning 48-yard TD. Flutie and many of his 1984 teammates were honored on the field during BC’s 41-21 victory over North Carolina before the second quarter on Saturday afternoon, the anniversary of the Eagles’ Miracle in Miami. “There’s no way its been 40 years,” Flutie told The Associated Press on the sideline a few minutes before he walked out with some of his former teammates to be recognized after a video of The Play was shown on the scoreboards. It’s a moment and highlight that’s not only played throughout decades of BC students and fans, but around the college football world. “What is really so humbling is that the kids 40 years later are wearing 22 jerseys, still,” Flutie said of his old number. “That amazes me.” That game was played on national TV the Friday after Thanksgiving. The ironic thing is it was originally scheduled for earlier in the season before CBS paid Rutgers to move its game against Miami, thus setting up the BC-Miami post-holiday matchup. “It shows you how random some things are, that the game was moved,” Flutie said. “The game got moved to the Friday after Thanksgiving, which was the most watched game of the year. We both end up being nationally ranked and up there. All those things lent to how big the game itself was, and made the pass and the catch that much more relevant and remembered because so many people were watching.” There’s a statue of Flutie winding up to make The Pass outside the north gates at Alumni Stadium. Fans and visitors can often be seen taking photos there. “In casual conversation, it comes up every day,” Flutie said, when asked how many times people bring it up. “It brings a smile to my face every time we talk about it.” A week after the game-ending Flutie pass, the Eagles beat Holy Cross and before he flew off to New York to accept the Heisman. They went on to win the 49th Cotton Bowl on New Year’s Day. “Forty years seem almost like incomprehensible,” said Phalen, also standing on the sideline a few minutes after the game started. “I always say to Doug: ‘Thank God for social media. It’s kept it alive for us.”’ Earlier this week, current BC coach Bill O’Brien, 55, was asked if he remembered where he was 40 years ago. “We were eating Thanksgiving leftovers in my family room,” he said. “My mom was saying a Rosary in the kitchen because she didn’t like Miami and wanted BC to win. My dad, my brother and I were watching the game. “It was unbelievable,” he said. “Everybody remembers where they were for the Hail Mary, Flutie pass.”

No. 5 UCLA snaps No. 1 South Carolina's 43-game win streakRevellers hit Rio's Copacabana beach for pride parade

No. 5 UCLA snaps No. 1 South Carolina's 43-game win streak